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The Origin of Chemical Elements

The Origin of Chemical Elements

ALPHER, RALPH; BETHE, HANS; GAMOW, GEORGE FIRST EDITION IN ORIGINAL WRAPPERS OF THE SCIENTIFIC FOUNDATION FOR THE BIG BANG THEORY: THE FAMOUS "ALPHA-BETA-GAMMA" PAPER. Physicist George Gamow "was interested in the Big Bang in relation to nucleosynthesis- the formation of atomic nuclei. Gamow wanted to see whether nuclear physics and the Big Bang could explain the observed atomic abundances," specifically, "whether the early moments of the Big Bang could be responsible for our universe being dominated by hydrogen and helium." With his graduate student Ralph Alpher, Gamow began constructing an ingenius mathematical model that attempted to explain the nuclear processes that would have occurred at the conditions of the extreme heat of the very early universe. They "spent three years working through their calculations, questioning their assumptions, updating their cross-sections and refining their estimates. This was an extraordinary adventure. They were applying concrete physics to a previously vague Big Bang theory, attempting to mathematically model the conditions and events of the early universe. They were estimating initial conditions and applying the laws of nuclear physics to see how the universe evolved with time and how the processes of nucleosynthesis progressed." The result was a stunning success. With their model, Alpher and Gamow could predict the formation of hydrogen and helium in the observed proportions ( 99.99% of all atoms ) in the universe. "This result was the first major triumph for the Big Bang model since Hubble had observed and measured the redshifts of galaxies." When Gamow and Alpher's paper, "The Origin of Chemical Elements" was being sent for publication in the April 1, 1948 issue (April Fool's Day) of the Physical Review, Gamow couldn't resist playing a little joke on the scientific community. Even though his good friend Hans Bethe contributed nothing to the paper, Gamow added his name to the list of authors so the readers could enjoy the sight of a paper authored by Alpher, Bethe, Gamow and appreciate the pun on the Greek letters alpha, beta, and gamma. One of the unintended consequences of this joke was that is stripped the young Alpher of much of the credit due to him, for the public naturally assumed that the famous Bethe and Gamow had now done all the work. "The Alpha-Beta-Gamma paper, as it became known, was a milestone in the Big Bang versus eternal universe debate. It showed that it was possible to do real calculations relating to the nuclear processes that might have occurred after a hypothetical Big Bang, and thus test this theory of creation. Big Bang supporters could now point to two pieces of evidence, the expansion of the universe and the abundance of hydrogen and helium, and show that they were entirely consistent with the Big Bang model of the universe." Simon Singh, Big Bang: The Origin of the Universe, pp. 306-336. IN: The Physical Review, Vol. 73, No. 7, pp. 803-4; April 1 1948. Lancaster, PA and New York, NY: American Institute of Physics, 1948. Thin quarto, original wrappers; custom box. "Durand Personal Copy" written in ink at top corner of front wrapper; a little creasing to bottom right corner; generally fine condition.
The Author's Edition of the Works [Adventures of Sherlock Holmes; Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes; A Study in Scarlet; The Sign of the Four; etc.]

The Author’s Edition of the Works [Adventures of Sherlock Holmes; Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes; A Study in Scarlet; The Sign of the Four; etc.]

DOYLE, ARTHUR CONAN SIGNED BY ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE: THE BEAUTIFUL TWELVE-VOLUME "AUTHOR'S EDITION", ONE OF 1000 COPIES SIGNED BY DOYLE; IN EXQUISITE BAYNTUN BINDINGS. "The author considered this edition of his works to be of great importance: he revised parts, and added notes and a number of special introductions. He remarks in the preface that it had for some time been his ambition to have such a collection" and he notes that "I have expended all pains in putting these books into their final form." (Green & Gibson, A Bibliography of Arthur Conan Doyle, A60). This English issue of the Author's Edition was limited to 1000 sets -510 sets were bound by Smith. Elder and Company. "The remaining 490 sets of sheets were passed to John Murray when the company was sold; they were reissued with new title-pages dated 1903 in and after 1917." This set is one of the John Murray reissues. There was an American issue of the Author's Edition as well, but Doyle refused to sign any of those sets. Although Doyle mentions in his preface that he intended to add new works to the set over the years, this was never done and consequently The Hound of the Baskervilles was not included in this edition. (Green & Gibson). Beautifully illustrated with twenty-four photogravure plates. Note: The signed limitation page precedes the title page in The White Company. London: John Murray, 1903 [but really 1917]. Octavo, contemporary three-quarter crushed red morocco by Bayntun (with binder's stamp on front free endpapers), raised bands, gilt-decorated spines, top edges gilt. Twelve volumes. A few trivial spots of wear to cloth on boards; mild uniform fading to spines. Overall in outstanding condition in bindings of the highest quality.
Elementa Doctrinae Solidorum. WITH: Demonstratio Nonnularum Insignium Proprietatum

Elementa Doctrinae Solidorum. WITH: Demonstratio Nonnularum Insignium Proprietatum, quibus Solida Hedris Planis Inclusa Sunt Praedita

EULER, LEONHARD FIRST EDITIONS OF TWO LANDMARK PAPERS IN WHICH EULER PROPOSED HIS FAMOUS "POLYHEDRON FORMULA," ONE OF THE MOST BEAUTIFUL AND CONSEQUENTIAL OF MATHEMATICAL THEOREMS, AND ONE WITH IMPORTANT APPLICATIONS TO TOPOLOGY AND GRAPH THEORY. Leonhard Euler "not only made decisive and formative contributions to the subjects of geometry, calculus, mechanics, and number theory but also developed methods for solving problems in observational astronomy and demonstrated useful applications of mathematics in technology and public affairs." (Brittanica). One of those contributions, set forth in the two papers offered here, relates to the theory of polyhedra - in essence, solid bodies with planar surfaces, such as a cube or dodecahedron. Indeed, Euler's result was "the most significant contribution to the theory [of polyhedra] since the foundational work of the ancient Greeks, perhaps the most important contribution ever." (Christopher Francese and David Richeson, "The Flaw in Euler's Proof of his Polyhedral Formula", American Mathematical Monthly 114(4)286-296 (2007)). It asserts that the number of vertices, edges, and faces of a polyhedron are related by the formula V - E + F = 2. For example, a cube has eight vertices, twelve edges, and six faces; and 8 - 12 + 6 = 2. In a survey conducted in the fall of 1988 by a mathematical journal, in which readers were asked to rate 24 mathematical theorems on the criterion of "beauty," Euler's polyhedron formula rated second, bested only by another Euler discovery, ei? = - 1. (David Wells, "Are These the Most Beautiful?", The Mathematical Intelligencer 12(3): 37-41 (1990)). The polyhedron formula might seem at first glance to be a trivial factoid, an insignificant bit of recreational mathematics. In fact it is a profound theorem with surprising, wide-ranging, and important applications. (See David S. Richeson, Euler's Gem: The Polyhedron Formula and the Birth of Topology (Princeton 2008)). For example, the theorem can be generalized to yield a method for classifying surfaces (or, more generally, the abstract mathematical objects known as Riemannian manifolds) in terms of a metric known as the "Euler characteristic." It therefore underlies the Gauss-Bonnet theorem, which relates the overall curvature of a manifold and of its boundary to its Euler characteristic. Euler's theorem also has a corollary in the mathematical discipline known as graph theory, which deals with the characteristics of sets of nodes connected by "edges," and which is fundamental to the modern study of social and other networks. The graph-theoretic version of Euler's formula has important practical applications: "[M]otivated by many problems involving the design of computer chips (integrated circuits), there has been an explosion of research about crossing number problems for graphs in the plane. This involves finding the minimum number of crossings when an abstractly defined graph is drawn in the plane. . Many of these questions involve the use of Euler's formula to get estimates for the smallest numbers of crossings." (Joseph Malkevitch, "Euler's Polyhedral Formula", available on the American Mathematical Society website.) Euler's theorem is one of those mathematical facts that was long hidden in plain sight. "It is remarkable that no one before Euler noticed the polyhedral formula. For centuries the Greeks studied the properties of polyhedra, but they did not notice the relation. With renewed interest in the subject, Kepler and other Renaissance mathematicians studied polyhedra, yet they did not discover the formula. Descartes came very close to discovering the relation, but . he missed a key ingredient. In 1750, Euler wrote to Christian Goldbach, 'It astonishes me that these general properties of stereometry have not, as far as I know, been noticed by anyone else." (Francese & Richeson, op. cit.). "These mathematicians, and so many others, missed a relationship that is so simple that it can be explained to any schoolchild, yet is so fundamental that it is part of the fabric of modern mathematics." (Richeson, op cit.). Euler was able to make this breakthrough by abandoning the traditional focus on the metric properties of geometric objects (such as distance, area, and volume) and focusing instead on the more abstract properties (such as connectedness or the number of "holes" or "handles" that an object has) that are not affected by distortions in shape or size. (Francese & Richeson, op. cit.). (This was similar to the approach that some years earlier had led Euler to his famous solution to the "seven bridges of Königsberg" problem.) Euler's work on the polyhedron formula and the bridge problem thus laid the conceptual groundwork for the discipline of algebraic topology, a field that is sometimes described as "rubber sheet geometry" since its focus is precisely on properties that remain invariant when an object is stretched, shrunk, or otherwise continuously deformed. Thus, "Euler's formula marks the beginning of the transition period from geometry to topology." (Francese & Richeson). In the first of the two papers, Euler stated his formula, and showed that it held for a number of different types of polyhedra, but did not prove it. The second paper offered a proof - albeit one that turned out to have some flaws. The theorem is nevertheless correct, and the flaws in the proof were subsequently repaired by a later generation of mathematicians. Offered here is the complete fourth volume of Novi Commentarii Academiae Scientiarum Imperialis Petropolitanae, published in 1758 but covering the years 1752 and 1753, containing the two papers described above as well as three other papers by Euler (on representing numbers by the sum of two squares; on the construction of gears; and on the movement of celestial bodies). The Novi Commmentarii was published in St. Petersburg from 1750 to 1776 as the journal of Russia's Imperial Academy of Sciences. The Academy had been founded in 1724 by Tsar PeterI, on the a
Die Entstehung der Kontinente [The Origin of Continents]

Die Entstehung der Kontinente [The Origin of Continents]

WEGENER, ALFRED FIRST EDITION IN RARE ORIGINAL WRAPPERS OF WEGENER'S CONTINENTAL DRIFT THEORY. "Wegener is remembered today as the originator and one of the chief proponents of the theory of continental drift, which he conceived after being struck by the apparent correspondence in the shapes of the coast lines on the west and east sides of the Atlantic, and supported with extensive research on the geological and paleontological correspondence between the two sides. He postulated that 200 million years ago there existed a supercontinent ('Pangea'), which began to break up during the Mesozoic era due to the cumulative effects of the 'Eötvös force,' which drives continents towards the equator, and the tidal attraction of the sun and moon, which drags the earth's crust westward with respect to its interior . Wegener's first publication on continental drift appeared in three issues of Petermanns Mitteilung in April-June 1912 [the offered paper]" (Norman). Before Wegener put forward his revolutionary theory, it "was widely believed that continents and ocean basins are primordial features. This conviction was reinforced by global oceanographic surveys in 1872-77 demonstrating the Earth's bimodal elevation frequency, and simultaneously by gravimetric and geodetic surveys in the western U.S. and elsewhere that confirmed the principle of isostasy (i.e. an elastic crust that floats on a fluid medium). A continent can neither rise from the abyss or sink to abyssal depth spontaneously. The mass excess of its elevation is compensated by a mass deficit at depth. If it were to move sideways, it would have to drag its moorings along with it, which was thought to be absurd. Isostasy cut both ways however: it rendered physically implausible the land 'bridges' invoked by geologists to account for ancient floral and faunal similarities between continents now far apart" (Hoffmann, 'The tooth of time: Alfred Wegener,' Geoscience Canada 39 (2012), 102-111). On 6 January 1912 Wegener "presented a startling new vision of crustal history at a meeting of the recently founded Geological Association (Geologische Vereinigung) in Frankfurt. The talk did not bring pleasure to its listeners. Not yet 32, Alfred Wegener had already published in several branches of meteorology and his admired textbook, Thermodynamics of the Atmosphere (1911) showed him to be unusually skilled at synthesis. But he was unknown in geology and had only been seriously reading the geological literature for about four months. Nevertheless, so many published facts seemed inexplicable if his theory was wrong, that he submitted the text of his talk to the Geological Association under the brash title, The Origin of Continents [Die Entstehung der Kontinente]. He proposed that geological interpretations would be greatly simplified if continents were allowed to undergo large relative horizontal displacements. The continents of today are the fragments of an ancestral landmass that rifted apart progressively in Mesozoic and Cenozoic time, allowing the Atlantic and Indian Ocean basins to grow at the expense of the Pacific. Not satisfied, he wrote an expanded version under the same title that was published in a leading geographical journal in three installments [the offered paper]. From the start, geographers were as engaged as geologists in the controversy over continental drift. "The longer 1912 paper came out in three installments: (1) geophysical arguments, (2) geological arguments, and (3) remaining geological arguments, present displacements and polar wobble. In (1) he introduces the elevation duality, gravity measurements and isostasy, thickness of the continental rafts, their composition, their plasticity in relation to that of their substrate, volcanism, and possible causes of displacement. Wegener did not distinguish between oceanic crust and mantle: the composition of the mantle was then unknown. He used [Eduard] Suess's terms, 'sial' for the continental rafts and 'sima' for the substrate, assumed to be directly covered by abyssal sediments. He uses the term 'crust' as synonymous with 'lithosphere'. He expends little space on causes, which he considers to be premature. ('It will be necessary first to exactly determine the reality and the nature of the displacements before we can hope to discover their causes .') . The geological arguments are the strongest part of the paper and surprise even today" (Hoffmann). Today, "with the advent of new methods and knowledge (sea floor spreading) and the discovery of paleomagnetism (1950), this concept [continental drift] was fully revived and fully accepted, upgraded and improved. The model of the motion of large planetary plates (continental and oceanic) gave birth to the theory of plate tectonics. Acceptance of this theory over the last 50 years has radically changed scientific knowledge about the mechanisms and types of movements that have led to global changes on the Earth (climate change, melting glaciers, creating a system of mountain, ocean circulation, earthquakes, volcanoes and other geological phenomena)" (Rundi?, 'Centenary anniversary of the theory of continental drift by Alfred Wegener and its significance for geosciences and human society,' Bulletin of the Natural History Museum 5 (2012), 21-33). Wegener's lecture to the Geologische Vereinigung was printed in Geologische Rundschau, Bd. 3, n. 4, 9 July 1912, pp. 276-292. Although composed first, it was thus published later than the present greatly expanded work, which appeared in April-June of the same year. Norman 2192. Marvin, Continental drift: The evolution of a concept, Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1982 (see pp. 66-95). Note: in this collection, the entire volume 58 (6 issues) is offered. Gotha: Justus Perthes, 1912. Quarto, original printed wrappers; custom box. Pp. 185-195, 253-256, 305-309 and one folding plate (no. 36) in three complete issues of Dr. A. Petermanns Mitteilungen aus Justus Perthes' geographischer Anstalt, Bd. 58, April, M
Shantaram

Shantaram

ROBERTS, GREGORY DAVID FIRST EDITION, SIGNED AND INSCRIBED BY ROBERTS ON THE TITLE PAGE: "David Gregory Roberts / December 2003 / May the journey always bring you wisdom in the struggles of the heart and courage in the heart of the struggle." "In 1980, while serving a 19-year sentence for robbery in Australia, Roberts escaped from prison and fled to India, spending a decade on the lam before he was recaptured and extradited. As Australia's most wanted man -- or so he describes himself in this fictionalized account of his years in Bombay -- Roberts was a larger-than-life figure in his native country long before 'Shantaram' made him a best-selling author" (Megan O'Grady, The New York Times). "Shantaram is a novel of the first order, a work of extraordinary art, a thing of exceptional beauty. If someone asked me what the book was about, I would have to say everything, every thing in the world. Gregory David Roberts does for Bombay what Lawrence Durrell did for Alexandria, what Melville did for the South Seas, and what Thoreau did for Walden Pond: He makes it an eternal player in the literature of the world" (Pat Conroy). Melbourne: Scribe Publications, 2003. Thick octavo, original red cloth, original dust jacket. A fine copy. Note: This rare Australian first edition, first issue, precedes all other editions. Also included is the rare UK bound proof and a promotional card signed inscribed by Roberts: "Love the truth and be true to love / Gregory David Roberts 2004." original cloth, original dust jacket
Autograph Letter Signed

Autograph Letter Signed

LEWIS, C.S. [CLIVE STAPLES] C.S. LEWIS GIVES PRACTICAL (AND SOMEWHAT HUMOROUS) ADVICE TO A STUDENT SELECTING A THESIS TOPIC, BEFORE REVEALINGLY SUGGESTING ONE OF HIS FAVORITE WORKS -DOROTHY SAYERS'S THE MAN BORN TO BE KING - AS A SUBJECT WORTHY OF STUDY. Written to a student, John T. Tukey of Rhode Island and dated July 6, 1963, the letter reads in full: As from Magdalene College, Cambridge 6 July 63 I always dissuade students from making a living author the subject of their thesis. When they do, however hard they work, the chosen author and his intimates will know a lot more about the subject that they can find out. Dead authors know a lot about their own work which we don't but fortunately they can't tell it. It has happened before now that those who were examining a thesis on my work have written to ask me whether some interpretation offered by the candidate is correct. This puts me in a v. awkward dilemma. If I refuse to answer they know that my answer would have been no. The candidate's work is thus unfairly subjected to a check which would not have been applied if he had written on a dead author. I suggest you choose Dorothy Sayers' cycle of plays on the life and death of Christ (title, The Man Born to be King). Whether it wd. come under the faculty of Theology or that of Literature depends, I suppose, on how you treat it. Yours sincerely [signed] C.S. Lewis Background - C.S. Lewis, Dorothy Sayers, and The Man Born to Be King: C.S. Lewis and the writer Dorothy Sayers quickly became good friends after the latter wrote him a "fan" letter praising his recently-published Screwtape Letters. It was not a particular surprise they developed a friendship for both had similar views on literature, scholarship, and theology (especially sharing the desire to explain and explore Christianity for their literary audiences). Sayers's The Man Born to Be King, a somewhat controversial re-telling of the life of Jesus, originally appeared as a radio drama airing from 1941-1942 before being published in book form in 1943. Lewis was immediately impressed with the work, writing to Sayers on May 30, 1943 (in one of his earliest letters to her), "I've finished The Man Born to be King and think it a complete success. I shed real tears (hot ones) in places: since Mauriac's Vie de Jesus nothing has moved me so much. I expect to read it times without number again." Over the years, Lewis's admiration for the work only grew. He professed to reading it "in every Holy Week since it first appeared" and noted in 1949 that he thought "Man Born to be King has edified us in this country more than anything for a long time" (Lewis, Collected Letters, II, 989). Sayers died in 1957 - six years before this letter - and it is fitting that of all the books he could have recommended to the student Tukey, he selected The Man Born to Be King, a book he greatly admired and a book that had remained dear to his heart. Cambridge: 6 July 1963. One sheet, 5 1/4 x 7 inches, written in ink on both sides, signed "C.S. Lewis". With original mailing envelope with postmark. Generally fine condition with expected center mailing fold and a few light spots. Housed in custom presentation folder.
An American Exodus: A Record of Human Erosion

An American Exodus: A Record of Human Erosion

LANGE, DOROTHEA; TAYLOR, PAUL FIRST EDITION OF ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT AMERICAN PHOTOBOOKS. "A collection of great single photographs does not necessarily make a great photographic book. The latter is, at its core, a work that is conscious not only of the art of photography, but the art of the book. Every aspect of the publication -- design, text, and photographic content -- must form a coherent (or purposefully disjunctive) narrative; and it must break with or at least transcend tradition as it engages the contemporary world. "One example that fits the above criteria is Dorothea Lange and Paul Schuster Taylor's An American Exodus (1939). The book combined Dorothea Lange's finest images of the farm families dispossessed by the Dust Bowl and the Great Depression with a text put together by Paul Schuster Taylor of well-chosen, even poetic, words from the subjects. [As] we encounter one powerful image after another -- of barren fields, of desperate mothers, of cars laden with scant possessions, of desert roads leading West to a greener land -- counterpoised against equally powerful lines of text that parallel or intensify these images, the book leads us, chapter by chapter, on a passage through time and place and the human condition in America of the 1930s. To read An American Exodus is to experience much more than a container of superb photographs" (May Castleberry, "The Presence of the Past", in The Book of 101 Books). The Photobook. Roth 101. Complete with 112 black-and-white photographic reproductions of Lange's iconic images. Note: First issue dust jacket, with Mein Kampf listed on rear panel. New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1939. Text by Paul Schuster Taylor. Quarto, original blue cloth, original dust jacket; custom box. Neat owner signature. Book near-fine with just a little wear at cloth edges; dust jacket with a little fading to spine and edges and some chipping to edges (particular at spine ends). A very good copy of a book that is famously difficult to find with a good first issue dust jacket. Original cloth, original dust jacket
Andy Warhol's Index (Book) [Index Book]

Andy Warhol’s Index (Book) [Index Book]

WARHOL, ANDY FIRST EDITION, PREFERRED HARDCOVER ISSUE. A MAGNIFICENT COPY COMPLETE WITH THE ORIGINAL PLASTIC BAG, ORIGINAL AD SLIP AND ALL COMPONENTS. "Andy Warhol's Index (Book), which is an expensive rarity today, was another portrait of the mysterious silver factory as a schizoid fun house. It consists primarily of photographs, blank pages, joke pages, and a pop-up cut-out of a medieval castle inhabited by Warhol's superstars above the logo 'We are constantly under attach.' The text is a rambling, seemingly random, classically monosyllabic interview with Warhol. Although it stands today as an essential report on the Warhol factory, the Index book operates on a different level entirely inasmuch as it does not rely primarily on language" (Bockris, Warhol: The Biography). Complete with: -pop-up castle, with small closed tear (as often) at one of the pop-up folds -a paper accordion -a multi-colored pop-up airplane -a folded geodesic dome, with all the tabs still sealing the pages -a paper disc with "The Chelsea Girls" in printed type -45 R.P.M. flexi-disc with portrait of Lou Reed, which plays a supposedly unrecorded song by Nico and the Velvet Underground -an illustration of a nose with two colored overlays on a double-folded page -pop-up Hunt's Tomato Paste can -a sheet of eight stamps to be placed in water -balloon - not totally disintegrated with bottom in-tact and top sticking between the pages. (Pretty much every copy known has a completely disintegrated balloon - just a stain on the page.) New York: Random House, 1967. Octavo, original black cloth with holographic front board; early custom slipcase with wonderful op-art pattern. Binding extraordinarily bright and clean. An exceptional, outstanding copy of a notoriously fragile book. original black cloth with holographic front board
Zum Mehrkörperproblem der Quantentheorie

Zum Mehrkörperproblem der Quantentheorie

JORDAN, PASCUAL; KLEIN, OSKAR FIRST EDITION IN ORIGINAL WRAPPERS of Jordan and Klein's introduction of the "second quantization"; one of the founding papers of quantum field theory. FROM THE LIBRARY OF NIELS BOHR, with his stamp on the front wrapper. In Jordan's "paper with Klein, written while the two of them were in Copenhagen in the spring of 1927, a generalization of Dirac's treatment of bosons was given to allow for the interaction of the bosons with one another. Their point of departure was a Schrödinger equation for the field operator containing a nonlinear term to account for the interaction of the field itself. "The equivalence of this description with that using symmetric wave functions in configuration space was established. The 'particles' that emerged from the imposition of the quantum condition (commutation rules) on the field variables thus obeyed Bose statistics. Heisenberg found the results of Jordan and Klein very attractive. In his interview with Kuhn and Heilbron in 1963, he recalled: 'I like[d it] very much because now I could see, "All right. There is an entirely different picture to start with (the wave picture), and if I quantize that picture--that is if I make this picture open to the same restriction as the particle picture--then the two pictures become equivalent." That is exactly what I wanted' (Heisenberg 1963, session 8, p. 21). "Bohr at the Solvay meeting of 1927 saw Jordan and Klein's work as supporting his views of complementarity. Pauli at that same congress welcomed the formulation since it allowed to formulate the quantum theoretic description of an assembly of bosons entirely in 3-dimensional space. "In a letter to Kronig in November 1927, Pauli described the work of Jordan and Klein as 'wirklich schön' (really beautiful). In fact, the Jordan and Klein paper converted Pauli to the Jordan viewpoint about the quantization of matter fields. The article by Jordan and Klein made clear to both Heisenberg and Pauli, who were then collaborating on a general theory of relativistic quantized fields, how to proceed in describing the interaction between the electromagnetic field and charges. Pauli, who up to that time had been reluctant to accept Jordan's views on quantization of matter fields, embraced Jordan's viewpoint. After the publication of the Jordan-Klein article, Pauli and Heisenberg agreed that the quantization of matter fields was the correct approach. In December 1927 Heisenberg could write Bohr that the important work of Jordan and Klein had been the stimulus of his thinking long and hard on the formulation of relativistic quantum mechanics and that he and Pauli were making good progress" (Schweber, QED and the Men Who Made It: Dyson, Feynman, Schwinger, and Tomonaga, pp.35-37). Also included is Jordan's paper: Über Wellen und Korpuskeln in der Quanenmechanik (pp. 766-775). Provenance: From the library of Niels Bohr, with his stamp on the front wrapper. IN: Zeitschrift Für Physik, Band 45, 18 November 1927, pp. 751-765. Berlin: Julius Springer, 1927. Octavo, original wrappers; custom box. A touch of edgewear. A FINE COPY, rare in original wrappers.
The physical interpretation of the quantum dynamics

The physical interpretation of the quantum dynamics

DIRAC, PAUL FIRST EDITION IN ORIGINAL WRAPPERS of Dirac's general transformation theory, his own favorite paper and "the pinnacle of Dirac's development of quantum mechanics," unifying "all proposed versions of quantum mechanics, as well as giving rise to a continuum of other possible versions" (Richard Dalitz). After seeing a draft of the present paper, Heisenberg reported to Pauli in a letter of 23 November 1926: "Here we have also thought about the physical meaning of the transformation function, and Dirac has accomplished an extraordinarily far-reaching generalization of this assumption from my note on fluctuation [phenomena]. Dirac's investigations have many points in common with your and my work. Moreover, they are very general, since they apply, e.g., as easily and safely for continuous changes as for those in periodic systems. I consider that Dirac's paper represents an extraordinary progress." Years later, Dirac himself wrote: "I think that [the present paper] is the piece of work which has most pleased me of all the works that I've done in my life. The transformation theory (became) my darling. I just couldn't face giving up the transformation theory [for anything]" (Mehra & Rechenberg, The Historical Development of Quantum Theory). Dirac's paper also provided a justification of the 'probability interpretation' of quantum mechanics, and anticipated both Heisenberg's uncertainty principle and Bohr's complementarity principle. "In section 7 of his paper, Dirac showed 'that the present method is in agreement with the assumption formerly used that the square of the amplitude of the wave function in certain cases determines a probability'. At the end of his transformation theory paper, Dirac wrote: 'If one describes the state of a system at an arbitrary time by giving numerical values to the coordinates and momenta, one cannot actually set up a one-one correspondence between the values of these coordinates and momenta initially and their values at a subsequent time.' This appears to have been a forecast of what Heisenberg would work out in his fundamental paper of March 1927 [i.e. the uncertainty principle] and what Bohr would discuss generally in terms of 'complementarity' later in autumn of the same year" (Brown, Pippard & Pais, eds., Twentieth Century Physics I). "Thus, in less than two years - Heisenberg submitted his [uncertainty] paper in March 1927 - Dirac's and Heisenberg's combined efforts succeeded in establishing both the mathematical theory and the physical interpretation of quantum mechanics. This theory would be presented and intensively discussed at the Fifth Solvay Conference, held in Brussels in October 1927" (Kursunoglu and Wigner, Paul Adrien Maurice Dirac). Richard Dalitz, "Paul Dirac: a genius in the history of physics". Britannica. IN: Proceedings of the Royal Society, Series A, Vol. 113, No. 765, January 1, 1927, pp. 621-641. London: The Royal Society, 1927. Octavo, original printed wrappers; custom box. Volume contents gathering laid-in. A FINE COPY.
La mécanique ondulatoire et la structure atomique de la matière et du rayonnement [Wave mechanics and the atomic structure of matter and of radiation]

La mécanique ondulatoire et la structure atomique de la matière et du rayonnement [Wave mechanics and the atomic structure of matter and of radiation]

BROGLIE, LOUIS-VICTOR DE FIRST EDITION IN RARE ORIGINAL WRAPPERS of the presentation of de Broglie's highly influential "pilot-wave" interpretation of quantum mechanics. "What we now know as pilot-wave theory first appears in a paper by de Broglie (1927) entitled 'Wave mechanics and the atomic structure of matter and of radiation', which was published in Journal de Physique in May 1927. In 'Structure', de Broglie presents a theory of particles as moving singularities. It is argued, on the basis of certain assumptions, that the equations of what we now call pilot-wave dynamics will emerge from this theory. At the end of the paper de Broglie proposes, as a provisional theory, simply taking the equations of pilot-wave dynamics as given, without trying to derive them from something deeper. It is this last, provisional theory that de Broglie presents a few months later at the fifth Solvay conference." (Bacciagaluppi and Valentini, Quantum Theory at the Crossroads). "In October 1927, some of the greatest minds in physics gathered for the Fifth Solvay International Conference to debate the troubling implications of the then-nascent theory of quantum mechanics. A particularly contentious topic was the perplexing 'wave-particle duality,' in which objects we typically think of as particles-like photons and electrons-exhibit wave-like properties as well, and things we think of as waves, like light, sometimes behave like particles. "The French physicist Louis de Broglie proposed a means by which a photon or electron could behave like both a particle and a wave, complementary aspects of the same phenomenon. He reasoned that the particles could be carried along by what he dubbed 'pilot waves'-fluid-like ripples in space and time-much like a buoys bobbing along with the tide. "Quantum mechanics seeks to describe nature at the level of individual atoms and the particles that comprise them. But when physicists began delving into this strange new realm at the dawn of the 20th century, they discovered that the old, deterministic laws of classical physics no longer apply at that scale. Instead, uncertainty reigns supreme. It is a world governed by probabilities, and many physicists found this disquieting, to say the least. "De Broglie's alternative pilot wave theory was an attempt to restore [the] underlying solid reality. Instead of the wave function, de Broglie's pilot wave theory employs two equations, one describing an actual wave and the other describing the path of an actual particle and how it interacts with, and is guided by, the wave equation. It is deterministic, like a classical coin flip. In principle, at least, we can glean sufficient information to plot a particle's path, something that is not allowed in Bohr's interpretation of quantum mechanics" (Jennifer Ouellette, "Quantum Physicists Catch a Pilot Wave", Nova: The Nature of Reality). In 1952 David Bohm rediscovered de Broglie's work and further developed it. It is now known as the de Broglie-Bohm theory and is a much-debated approach to quantum mechanics today. IN: Journal de Physique et le Radium, Ser. VI, Vol. VIII, No. 5, May 1927. Octavo, original printed wrappers; custom box. Some chips to wrappers and wear to spine; rear wrapper neatly detached along joint, but now held in place by removable mylar. RARE.
La Septieme Face Du Dé

La Septieme Face Du Dé

HUGNET, GEORGES; DUCHAMP, MARCEL. [SURREALISM] FIRST EDITION, THE PRINTER JACQUES GROU-RADENEZ'S COPY, WITH TWO LONG PERSONAL INSCRIPTIONS BY HUGNET. WITH COVER MY MARCEL DUCHAMP. ONE OF ONLY 294 COPIES IN THE EDITION; AN OUT-OF-SERIES COPY LABELED "EXEMPLAIRE NO. G.H.". "This is Georges Hugnet's first volume of 'poemes-decoupages.' The title echoes Andre Mallarme's Un Coup de Des N'Abolira Jamais le hazard (1895), and Hugnet's poems, printed on the left-hand pages of the book, mirror the unusual spacing and various typefaces and sizes of Un Coup de Des. Hugnet had joined the Surrealists by 1932, and the collages on the right-hand pages, centered around nude images cut out of Paris Magazine, rehearse typical Surrealist themes. The cover by Marcel Duchamp spells out the title in letters containing the names of a whole Surrealist pantheon, including Sade, Freud, Rimbaud, Paracelsus, Swift, Heraclitus, Roussel, Chaplin, Jarry, Uccello, and Saint-Juste, and also a Man Ray photograph of DuChamp's assisted readymade 'Why Not Sneeze, Rrose Sélavy?' consisting of 152 marble cubes the size of sugar cubes, a thermometer, and a cuttlebone inside a small cage" (Roth 101, p.92). An extraordinary association copy, signed and inscribed twice by Hugnet: On the half-title, Hugnet has written a warm inscription dated 1936 (the year of publication) thanking Grou-Radenez for his work on the book. Beneath that, in 1963, he added an additional inscription to the new owner of the book (the surrealist photographer Leo Dohmen) praising Grou-Radenez, who had been arrested and murdered by the Nazi's for hiding Jewish children and aiding the French Resistance. Paris: Editions Jeanne Bucher, 1936. Original photographically embossed wrappers hand-sewn (as issued); housed in beautiful custom box. Illustrated throughout with black-and-white photo collages, several hand-colored. Only mild wear to wrappers; remnants of paper at spine ends (we have not been able to confirm that there was originally a paper spine under the external sewing; all other copies we've seen have not had a paper spine). A beautiful copy.
Typed Letter Signed [TLS]

Typed Letter Signed [TLS]

ROOSEVELT, THEODORE ROOSEVELT ON LINCOLN: IMPASSIONED LETTER BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT DEFINING THE QUALITIES HE ADMIRES IN A POLITICIAN, USING HIS HERO ABRAHAM LINCOLN AS AN EXAMPLE. Written on White House stationery and dated January 14, 1909 (near the end of Roosevelt's second term as president), the letter reads in full: My dear Mr. Landis: Yours is just about as nice a letter as I have received -and I have received very many. Indeed I wish you were in Congress. I feel just as you do about the division of powers and the like. I do not care a rap whether a man is a President, a Senator, or a Congressman, as such. What I care for is that he shall be a thoroly straight, decent, and fearless representative of the people. This country was with Lincoln when as a private citizen he fought as hard as he knew how two Presidents in succession; and this country was with Lincoln when for four years, as President, he fought the representatives of these same ex-Presidents when they were in opposition. The people were not with him because he was President in one case, or because he was against the President in the other. They were with him because he was right both times. Sincerely yours, [signed] Theodore Roosevelt --------- Roosevelt's hero was Abraham Lincoln and in many senses he used Lincoln as a guide to his presidency, appreciating what he called his great "righteousness" (see, for example, Roosevelt's speech to the NYC Republican Club, February 13, 1905). In this letter he explicitly praises Lincoln's dedication to causes he believed were right, regardless of his political affiliation or status, a trait Roosevelt tried hard to emulate himself. The recipient, Frederick Landis, was a Republican U.S. Representative from Indiana from 1903-1907. In 1912, Landis became an important figure in Roosevelt's Progressive Party - becoming chairman of its first State Convention in Indiana and serving as a delegate to the National Progressive Convention. Washington, D.C., 1909. One 8.5x14 inch sheet, folded to create four pages (Roosevelt letter on two pages; two pages blank). Usual folds, a touch of soiling, generally fine condition with strong full Roosevelt signature. A RARE LETTER STRONGLY UNITING TWO OF THE COUNTRY'S MOST IMPORTANT AND INFLUENTIAL LEADERS.
Biochemical Method for Inserting New Genetic Information into DNA of Simian Virus 40

Biochemical Method for Inserting New Genetic Information into DNA of Simian Virus 40

BERG, PAUL; JACKSON, DAVID A.; SYMONS, ROBERT H. FIRST EDITION of the landmark paper marking the birth of recombinant DNA technology. Paul Berg was awarded half of the 1980 Nobel Prize in Chemistry "for his fundamental studies of the biochemistry of nucleic acids, with particular regard to recombinant-DNA." "Technical advances have played an important role in the advance of genetic understanding. In 1970, American microbiologists Daniel Nathans and Hamilton Othanel Smith discovered a specialized class of enzymes (called restriction enzymes) that cut DNA at specific nucleotide target sequences. That discovery allowed American biochemist Paul Berg in 1972 to make the first artificial recombinant DNA molecule by isolating DNA molecules from different sources, cutting them, and joining them together in a test tube. These advances allowed individual genes to be cloned (amplified to a high copy number) by splicing them into self-replicating DNA molecules, such as plasmids (extragenomic circular DNA elements) or viruses, and inserting these into living bacterial cells. From these methodologies arose the field of recombinant DNA technology that presently dominates molecular genetics" (Britannica). "The history of gene splicing, also called recombinant DNA or genetic engineering, is recent. It began with a paper by biochemist Paul Berg of Stanford University and his collaborators in 1972. In his goal to insert new genes into living cells, Berg was the first scientist to splice together segments of DNA from different organisms. Soon, Berg became aware that he had set into motion a new biology of unimaginable consequences. Eight years later, on the occasion of his Nobel address, he thanked his students and colleagues for sharing with him 'the elation and disappointment of venturing into the unknown'" (Lightman, The Discoveries). In: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Vol 69, No. 10, October 1972., pp. 2904-2909. Washington, DC: National Academy of Sciences, 1972. Quarto, original wrappers; custom cloth box. Evidence of stamp removal at top of front wrapper, fading to spine and closed tear to upper joint; interior fine. Rare in original wrappers.
Sur une experience relative a la vitesse de propagation de la lumiere [Fizeau]. WITH: Determination experimentale de la vitesse de la lumiere; parallaxe du Soleil [AND] description des appareils [Foucault]

Sur une experience relative a la vitesse de propagation de la lumiere [Fizeau]. WITH: Determination experimentale de la vitesse de la lumiere; parallaxe du Soleil [AND] description des appareils [Foucault]

FIZEAU, ARMAND-HIPPOLYTE-LOUIS; FOUCAULT, JEAN-BERNARD-LEON FIRST EDITION of the report of Fizeau's famous experiment to determine the speed of light, the first accurate results obtained from a terrestrial experiment. WITH: FIRST EDITION of his rival FOUCAULT'S refinement (two papers), resulting in a measurement of the speed of light within 0.6% of the present-day value. FINE COPIES IN ORIGINAL VOLUME WRAPPERS. "By 1849 Fizeau had developed his own method for measuring the speed of light in air. On the peak of a hill he set up a light source and a spinning gear, arranged so that the light would shine through the gear's teeth. As it spun, the gear would alternately block and unblock the light, so that it would flash. On another hilltop 5 miles (8 km) away he positioned a mirror that reflected the light back to its source. Fizeau spun the gear very fast, so that light passing through one gap in the gear's teeth would travel to the mirror, bounce back, and reenter through the next gap. By using a timer, he was able to determine the amount of time it took light to travel 10 miles (16 km)--the distance between the two hilltops. "Fizeau arrived at the figure of 195,615 miles (315,000 km) per second--a number slightly higher, by about 5%, than that obtained by astronomical means (192,600 mps) but certainly far more accurate than any previous terrestrial method had yielded. The modern figure for the speed of light is approximately 186,000 miles (299,700 km) per second. "In 1862, Foucault outdid his former friend Fizeau when he used Charles Wheatstone's revolving mirror to obtain an improved value for the speed of light in air. Foucault's experiements were conducted from the 'La Salle de Meridienne' in the Paris Observatory. His value of 298,000 km/s (about 185,000 miles/sec) is only 0.6% different from the currently accepted value and more importantly for Foucault a considerable improvemnet on the efforts of his arch rival Hippolyte Fizeau" (Stefan Hughes, Catchers of the Light). "Foucault's first experiment, carried out in 1850 and written up in full in his doctoral thesis of 1853, was purely comparative; he announced no numerical values until 1862. Then, with an improved apparatus, he was able to measure precisely the velocity of light in air. This result, significantly smaller than Fizeau's of 1849, changed the accepted value of solar parallax and vindicated the higher value which Le Verrier had calculated from astronomical data. Foucault's turning-mirror apparatus was the basis for the later determinations of the velocity of light by A. A. Michelson and Simon Newcomb" (Dictionary of Scientific Biography). IN: Comptes rendus hebdomadaires des seances de l'Académie des sciences, Vol 29, pp. 90-92. Paris: Bachelier, 1849 (the entire volume, July - December). WITH: (ibid.) Vol 55, pp. 501-503; pp. 792-796. Paris: Mallet-Bachelier, 1862 (the entire volume, July - December). Quarto, original wrappers; custom cases. Occasional foxing, a small circle of dampstaining on first few volume leaves on 1862 volume. Beautiful, uncut and unopened copies in original wrappers.
An Elementary Treatise on the Differential and Integral Calculus

An Elementary Treatise on the Differential and Integral Calculus

LOVELACE, ADA; BABBAGE; CHARLES; DE MORGAN, AUGUSTUS]. LACROIX, SILVESTRE FRANÇOIS ADA LOVELACE'S PERSONAL ANNOTATED COPY OF CHARLES BABBAGE'S FIRST SIGNIFICANT PUBLICATION. A MAJOR MATHEMATICAL TEXT IMPORTANT FOR HER INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT. WITH AT LEAST 35 INK ANNOTATIONS IN LOVELACE'S HAND - THE MAJORITY CORRECTIONS TO MATHEMATICAL EQUATIONS - AND AT LEAST 18 PENCIL ANNOTATIONS IN THE HAND OF HER TUTOR, THE FAMED MATHEMATICIAN AUGUSTUS DE MORGAN. WITH LOVELACE'S INITIALS ("A.A.L.") IN GILT ON THE SPINE AND WITH EAST HORSLEY TOWERS (THE LOVELACE ESTATE) BLINDSTAMPS ON ENDPAPER AND TITLE. The importance of Lacroix's Elementary Treatise: The key text driving the advance of English science and logic during the first half of the 19th century, Lacroix's 1802 treatise on the Calculus was collaboratively translated by the members of "The Analytical Society": a triumvirate of students at Cambridge University comprised of Charles Babbage, John Herschel, and George Peacock. Lacroix was the leading advocate for algebraic analysis in Europe, and his 1802 text on Calculus epitomized the advanced state of Continental mathematics - a state which the Analytical Society sought to promote in England. The book's impact in England was substantial; and our research suggests that the book was in fact a common factor interlinking many of the major players in English science of the period. Certainly Babbage, Somerville, De Morgan, and Boole were all familiar with and influenced by LaCroix's work. In Babbage's case, a direct line can be traced from this book through Babbage's 1815-16 essay on the Calculus of Functions onward to his seminal 1826 essay "On a Method of Expressing by Signs the Action of Machinery" -- and thence forward to his subsequent development of the Analytical Engine, the first programmable computer. And De Morgan's own thinking and writings were so highly influenced by LaCroix's work, that it was thought De Morgan was himself plagiarizing the French scientist in his own writings. Ada Lovelace's own copy of the book - only recently re-emerged to light -- affirms that her own intellectual development was also significantly indebted to LaCroix's text. On Ada Lovelace: Famous in her own century for being Lord Byron's daughter, Ada Lovelace is now recognized as one of the leading female scientists of the 19th century and specifically celebrated for publishing the first algorithm and being one of the first people to envision a machine that could perform tasks beyond mere calculation. Lovelace moved in the upper circles of English society and was intimately connected with the intellectual echelon that was driving the transformation of English mathematics and science. Lovelace's early education was focused on mathematics - her mother did not want Ada following the wayward poetic ways of her father Lord Byron - and as a grown woman she studied mathematics both with Mary Somerville (the leading female mathematician of England and the translator of Laplace) and later with the great mathematician Augustus De Morgan. Lovelace first met Babbage when she was 18 (in 1833) and their friendship and interaction strengthened over the years. (Indeed, Babbage might have married Lovelace, but Lady Byron insisted that Ada not only marry rich but also nobly.) In 1843, she translated and annotated Menabrea's "Sketch of the Analytical Engine Invented by Charles Babbage, Esq", the work for which she is now most remembered. It is almost certain that Lovelace acquired and read this book during the 1840-43 period - the most intellectually intense and productive period of her life - when she both studied calculus with De Morgan and also worked together with Babbage to annotate the "Sketch of the Analytical Engine." It is known that Lovelace both worked with De Morgan's own treatises on calculus during this period and also with George Peacock's 1820 A Collection of Examples of the Differential and Integral Calculus. An 1843 letter from Lovelace to Babbage, however, clearly evidences that she is seeking further guidance and instruction in matters of calculus, with Lovelace stating "I cannot understand the Examples" and specifically asking Babbage for a copy of "your Calculus of Functions". But whether the request is for a copy of Babbage's two-part 1815-16 article "An Essay Towards a Calculus of Functions" (or his 1817 article "Solutions of Some Problems by Means of the Calculus of Functions") or for the present book remains intriguingly ambiguous. It is known that Lovelace herself actually purchased a copy of Peacock's Examples for her studies with De Morgan, but it is an open question whether and when Lovelace bought this present book or had it gifted it to her (by Babbage, De Morgan, or someone else). The Annotations: The ink annotations in Lovelace's hand suggest a close reading of the text with an eye to correcting errors both typographical and critical - similar in character to the keen editorial eye she applied to Babbage's and De Morgan's own writings. Babbage himself records in his 1864 autobiography (Passages from the Life of a Philosopher) that it was Lovelace who "detected a grave mistake which I had made in the [algorithmic] process" for computing Bernoulli numbers; and "this keen eye for mathematical detail" is similarly displayed in Lovelace's correspondence with De Morgan, which contain "multiple [valid] claims by Lovelace to have spotted errors or misprints in the various textbooks she was reading" (cf. Hollings, Martin, and Rice,"The Lovelace-De Morgan Mathematical Correspondence", 2017). The pencil annotations in De Morgan's hand are marks, symbols, or single words mostly for emphasis, except for two longer comments. At the end of the Advertisement leaf, in response to the ad leaf's promise that a companion volume (George Peacock's calculus book A Collection of Examples) will be ready "in a few months", he writes: "How vain are the affectations of Man! Four years later this book was printed." Near the end of the book, on page 635 he has added in pencil: "You must not trouble yourself
Autograph Letter Signed [ALS]

Autograph Letter Signed [ALS]

EINSTEIN, ALBERT A CRITICAL MOMENT IN THE DISCOVERY OF GENERAL RELATIVITY: AUTOGRAPH LETTER SIGNED TO LUDWIG HOPF FROM 1913 WHERE EINSTEIN'S ABANDONS THE REQUIREMENT OF GENERAL COVARIANCE. Background of the Letter - Einstein's struggles with general covariance: "In developing general relativity, Einstein sought to satisfy many requirements. However we shall see the his efforts were dominated by a single theme, covariance," specifically general covariance, which was "an important concept for Einstein as he tried to generalize a theory of relativity. It meant that the relationships between their components remained the same even when there were arbitrary changes or rotations in the space and time coordinate system." (John D. Norton, "General covariance and the foundations of general relativity: eight decades of dispute"; Walter Isaacson, Einstein: His Life and Universe). By early 1913, Einstein had been struggling with his equations for general relativity for many years and "after many aborted attempts, Einstein eventually derived, at the end of the Zurich Notebook, a field equation that became known as the core of the Entwurf theory. It primarily satisfied the principles rooted in classical physics, namely, the correspondence principle and the conservation principle. Einstein realized that the class of coordinate systems in which the Entwurf equation takes on the same form does not satisfy the generalized principle of relativity in the way he imagined. He therefore abandoned with a heavy heart the realization of general covariance. Nevertheless, he could reassure himself that this equation was acceptable because the necessary restriction of the admissible coordinate systems could apparently be justified by the requirement to implement the conservation principle. So there seemed to be a cogent reason for the limited extent to which the generalized principle of relativity was fulfilled in the Entwurf theory. [and] Einstein assumed that it was the best that could be achieved." Despite the publication of the Entwurf theory, however, Einstein still could not let go of requirement for a generally covariant theory of general relativity and began to think of the lack of general covariance as an "ugly dark spot" of the theory and "had found another, more profound argument - the famous 'hole argument' - claiming that generally covariant theories are bound to violate causality. The hole argument and its refutation eventually became the starting point for formulating the important concept of background-independent theories, that is, of theories for which time and space are not a fixed stage for the drama of physics. "In 1913, however, it was precisely the erroneous hole argument that motivated Einstein to further consolidate the Entwurf theory, whose main 'ugly dark spot' seemed to have been overcome. He concluded [in this letter to Hopf] that 'the fact that the gravitational equations are not generally covariant, which still bothered me so much some time ago, has proved to be unavoidable; it can easily be proved that a theory with generally covariant equations cannot exist if it is required that the field be mathematically completely determined by the matter'" (Hanoch Gutfreund and Jürgen Renn, The Road to Relativity, pp. 24-26). This oft-cited letter to Hopf documents a pivotal moment in Einstein's thinking during the creation of general relativity. For some time after this letter, Einstein did indeed seem comfortable with abandoning the requirement for general covariance, but all that changed during the autumn of 1915 when during a flurry of creative activity he was able to discover equations for general relativity that satisfied the requirements of general covariance. Although the generally covariant equations of general relativity have been universally acknowledged as one of the supreme achievements of human thought, the issue of covariance in general relativity has been the subject of continued concern and the subject of much modern scholarship. As noted Einstein scholar John D., Norton explains, "Einstein offered the principle of general covariance as the fundamental physical principle of his general theory of relativity and as responsible for extending the principle of relativity to accelerated motion. This view was disputed almost immediately with the counter-claim that the principle was no relativity principle and was physically vacuous. The disagreement persists today" ("General covariance and the foundations of general relativity: eight decades of dispute", Rep. Prog. Phys. 56; 1993, p.791). See also: Kevin Hartnett, "How Einstein Lost His Bearings, and With Them, General Relativity"(Quanta Magazine, March 14, 2018) for a discussion of the current issues with general relativity and covariance. This letter is explicitly cited in: Hanoch Gutfreund and Jürgen Renn, The Road to Relativity, pp. 24-26; Walter Isaacson, Einstein: His Life and Universe, p. 201; Galina Weinstein, Einstein's Pathway to the Special Theory of Relativity, p. 362, and General Relativity Conflict and Rivalries, p.77; Jeroen van Dongen, Einstein's Unification, p.22; et al. The full text of the letter: Zurich, 2 November [1913] Dear Mr. Hopf, Thank you so much for your kind invitation, which I would have been delighted to accept. But I could not even think of it, since I must call myself happy if I can fulfill my paper-writing obligations even after having renounced all pleasure-giving extravagance. Above all, my warmest congratulations on the birth of your strapping boy. May he be as healthy and intelligent as his old man, but in addition also a little more industrious. I am now very satisfied with the gravitation theory. The fact that the gravitational equations are not generally covariant, which still bothered me so much some time ago, has proved to be unavoidable; it can easily be proved that a theory with generally covariant equations cannot exist if it is required that the field be mathematically completely determined by the matter.
Knowledge of Past and Future in Quantum Mechanics

Knowledge of Past and Future in Quantum Mechanics

EINSTEIN, ALBERT; TOLMAN, RICHARD C.; PODOLSKY, BORIS FIRST EDITION, FIRST PRINTING, IN ORIGINAL WRAPPERS of Einstein's paper outlining a thought experiment to suggest that the uncertainty principle requires the acknowledgement of an indeterminate past. "To Heisenberg at the 1920's only the prediction of the future was important, and the mathematical theory assisted him to calculate the probability of the end-state given the initial state: the description of the intermediate development of the system between two objectively recorded or recordable states did not seem to correspond to physical reality. "On the other hand, Einstein, as a critic of quantum physics, did not admit Heisenberg's standpoint, especially that the indeterminacy principle does not refer to the past. In the paper 'Knowledge of Past and Future in Quantum Mechanics' (1931), Einstein proposed an imaginary experiment, in which 'the possibility of describing the past path of one particle would lead to predictions as to the future behavior of a second particle of a kind not allowed in the quantum mechanics.' So Einstein concluded that 'the principle of the quantum mechanics must involve an indeterminacy in the description of past events which is analogous to the indeterminacy in the prediction of future events.' "This should be understood in the context of Einstein's argument against the 'completeness' of quantum physics just in the same way that the purpose of the EPR argument (1935) was to show that the 'completeness' of quantum physics would lead to absurdity. In other words, Einstein did not positively assert the existence of indeterminate past events, but only intended to deduce it as the necessary conclusion of the 'completeness' of quantum physics. "The problem of the 'indeterminate' past re-appeared about fifty years later in J. A. Wheeler's discussion of the 'delayed-choice' experiment. This experiment is not an imaginary but an actual one which uses one particle (say, photon) instead of two particles in Einstein's case. "After confirming the fact that what we can say of past events is decided by (delayed) choices made in the near past and now, Wheeler discusses the possibility that the phenomena called into being by the present decision can reach backward in time, even to the earliest days of the universe. He says: 'To use other language, we are dealing with an elementary act of creation. It reaches into the present from billions of years in the past. It is wrong to think of the past as "already existing" in all detail. The "past" is theory. The past has no existence except as it is recorded in the present. By deciding what questions our quantum registering equipment shall put in the present we have an undeniable choice in what we have the right to say about the past.' "The interpretation of the indeterminacy principle will be altered if we accept the concept of the past indeterminacy. Heisenberg originally considered this principle as the limit of the exactitude of two incommensurable quantities at the simultaneous measurement. But the indeterminacy of past events which have not been recorded, have a connection, not with their simultaneous measurability, but rather with the definability of their historic routes. That the definition of the past route or history of a particle depends on the present choice of an experimenter is the meaning of the 'indeterminate past'" (Yutaka Tanaka, "The 'Individuality of a Quantum Event"). Weil 178*. IN: Physical Review, pp. 780-781, Vol. 37, No. 6, March 15, 1931. Octavo, original wrappers; custom box. Only slight wear to wrappers. A rare fine copy in original wrappers without any library stamps.
Portrait Photograph of Albert Einstein

Portrait Photograph of Albert Einstein, signed by Yousuf Karsh

EINSTEIN, ALBERT; KARSH, YOUSUF ONE OF THE MOST CELEBRATED IMAGES OF EINSTEIN, SIGNED BY MASTER PHOTOGRAPHER, YOUSUF KARSH. On February 11, 1948, Yousuf Karsh, perhaps the most accomplished portrait photographer of his generation, visited The Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton to fulfill a dream of his: to photograph Albert Einstein. As he later explained: "Among the tasks that life as a photographer had set me, a portrait of Albert Einstein had always seemed a 'must' - not only because this greatest refugee of our century has been accounted by all the world as the [most] outstanding scientist since Newton, but because his face, in all its rough grandeur, invited and challenged the camera." (Karsh: Beyond the Camera, David Travis, ed.). "At Princeton's Institute for Advanced Study, I found Einstein a simple, kindly, almost childlike man, too great for any of the postures of eminence. One did not have to understand his science to feel the power of his mind or the force of his personality" (official Karsh website). "Awed before this unique intellect, I yet ventured to ask Einstein his views on human immortality. He mused for a moment and then replied, 'What I believe of immortality? There are two kinds. The first lives in the imagination of people and is thus an illusion. There is a relative immortality, which may conserve the memory of an individual for some generations. But there is only one true immortality, on a cosmic scale, ant that is the immortality of the cosmos itself. There is no other.' "He spoke of these ultimate mysteries as calmly as he might a student's question about mathematics - with such an air of quiet confidence, indeed, that I found his answer profoundly disturbing to one who held other views. Knowing him to be an accomplished violinist, I turned the conversation, and asked if there were any connection between music and mathematics. 'In art, he said, 'and in the higher ranges of science, there is a feeling of harmony which underlies all endeavour. There is no true greatness in art or science without that sense of harmony. He who lacks it can never be more than a great technician in either field.' "Was he optimistic about the future harmony of mankind itself? He appeared to ponder deeply and remarked in graver tones: 'Optimistic? No. But if mankind fails to find a harmonious solution than there will be disaster on a dimension beyond anyone's imagination.' To what source should we look for the hope of the world's future? 'To ourselves,' said Einstein. He spoke sadly yet serenely, as one who had looked into the universe far past mankind's small affairs. In this humor my camera caught him. the portrait of a man who had traveled beyond hope or despair." (Yousuf Karsh, Regarding Heroes). (Opening quote from: Colin Naylor, ed., Contemporary Photographers.) Silver print. Photo taken Princeton, 1948. Printed later. Signed by Karsh in full beneath the image on photographer's mount. With Karsh's original calling "card" - a 4x10 inch cardboard slip - included. Image: 8x9 inches. Framed to an overall size of 12x15 inches. Fine condition.