KLEINERT, Sylvia and NEALE, Margo
General editors, Sylvia Kleinert and Margo Neale ; cultural editor, Robyne Bancroft. Melbourne : Oxford University Press, 2000. Quarto, gilt-lettered boards in illustrated dustjacket (light handling marks), pp. xxvi; 758, numerous illustrations, light foxing to edges, colour plates, a very good copy. 'The most comprehensive and important work of its kind. The book covers everything from documented archaeological traditions and art styles, through to the development of the remarkably diverse contemporary Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander art practices that have attracted so much attention in recent years.' - the publisher
STRIZIC, Mark and LANE, Terence
South Yarra, Vic. : Gryphon Books, 1987. Quarto, boards in dustjacket, 99 pp, chiefly illustrated, book design, preface and photographs by Mark Strizic, essay by Terence Lane, a fine copy of this lovingly produced monograph on the hitherto neglected work of Melbourne Jewish émigré artisan Krimper (1893-1971).
WOODFORDE, E. H.
[Entire letter]. Manuscript in ink on laid paper with Britannia watermark, foolscap folio (320 x 200 mm) bifolium written on 4 sides, cross-written on the first two (6 pages in total); headed Keepit, Namoi River, March 4th /39, and signed at the foot 'Your affectionate son &c. E. H. W.'; the outer side is addressed to Mrs J. Woodforde, No. 40 Union St. Plymouth, Devonshire, England,with Sydney Ship Letter stamp in red dated 16 March 1839, and London arrival stamp dated 21 July, endorsed by Mrs Woodforde with the date of her reply,Sepr. 1839; remains of red wax seal, a few short tears along the original folds; complete, clean and legible (the cross-writing difficult to decipher in a few places, leaving a few words in doubt). An important, previously unpublished letter written by one of the earliest white settlers in the Namoi River district on the Liverpool Plains of New South Wales. Its author, E. H. Woodforde, was a twenty-year-old shepherd working on Keepit Station, a 6500 hectare property near the Mooki River (a tributary of the Namoi). Keepit had been established in 1837 by William Sims Bell(1796-1875), who is credited with earlier bringing the first cattle overland from theHawkesbury to the Hunter River. (Reference is made in the letter to Bell's other property at Cheshunt Park in the Upper Hunter). In a lengthy account, Woodforde describes for his mother back home in Devon what his life is like in this remote region inhabited by "dreadful rogues" and "unhung fellons", in a time of severe drought. Nevertheless, he asks his mother to encourage his sister and brother-in-law to emigrate and join him in his adventure. He divulges his schemes for making his fortune in the "Wild Bush of Australia", and his plans for quitting the country and returning to England as soon as possible after this has been accomplished. In 1818 John Oxley was the first European to explore the Namoi River catchment on the Liverpool Plains, to the west of the Upper Hunter, which was part of the country occupied by the Gamilaraay (Kamilaroi) people. Oxley was followed by both Allan Cunningham and Sir Thomas Mitchell. From the time squatters began to settle in the region around 1826-27, there was frequent armed conflict between the white settlers and the Indigenous population, which was to persist into the early 1840s. Between1832 and 1838 several massacres of Gamilaraay people were perpetrated by whites, including the Waterloo Creek and Myall Creek massacresin 1838 - two of the most infamous episodes in the so-called Frontier Wars. Since it was written in the midst of this tragic period of white-black conflict, the conspicuous absence in Woodforde's letter of any reference to relations - either friendly or hostile - with thelocal Indigenous population at Mooki (or Mocai) River is somewhat surprising. We would expect, had there been an incident of any significance, that Woodforde would have made mention of it, as in his letter he refers to many other interesting (but comparatively mundane) matters such as a gruesome hand injury, collecting bird skins for taxidermy and his enjoyment of the wild melons that grow in abundance, and he takes the time to enumerate the types of game for which he hunts. It is only through the analysis of primary source documents of this type, however, that we can begin to form an accurate picture of what actually took place on the Liverpool Plains during the 1830s. Full transcript of the letter: [Page 1, vertical] 'My dearest Mother,the last letter I sent you was unfinished on account of the Newsman arriving and could not wait for me to finish, it was written at Cheshunt Park, Hunter's River. I am now two hundred miles above that, at Mr Bell's sheep station, who is a great friend of Mr Mathew's. You will see its in the map above Liverpool Plains to the Northward a little in alining [sic] to the west, close to the Mocai [i.e. Mooki] River. There is not Post up as far as this, I am obliged to wait till somebody is going down else I should have written to you before. I received your last [letter] about a week back dated the 16th of September and a most welcome letter it was. By the time you receive this I shall be one and twenty. I hope you will give a good party of young Ladies on that day, but be sure and let them quarrel about me, for I do not mean to marry yet. I hope I shall be able to get my money out as soon after that time as I can. I intend after I have purchased my supplies and things to buy Bank Shares and get ten per cent for my money and Rent about two thousand sheep for a few years which will give me a very good start. We are in a dreadful state now for want of Rain, all our crops have failed this year and flour is now very high indeed, 27£ a tun [sic] and rising every week. I do not know what we shall do if God does not send us some Rain. Soon all our Stocks will die of starvation, this is the Rainy month but as yet there is no appearance of it, but we must live in hopes. I hope in a few years to be able to afford a hundred pounds to have your likeness taken which I am determined [to do], first money I safe [sic] it shall be for that. I daresay you will laugh at my talking of a hundred pounds but I assure it is impossible for me to notso make money. [Page 2, vertical] If I am industrious and work hard it will be only for three or four years and then (as the phrase is here) I shall get money in spite of my Teeth, and besides we shall have steam vessels here in another two years and then I shall be able to come home in six weeks and stay a month or two and then go back again. I wish very often my dearest Mother that I could help you [with] some of the bills, but the Fates have decreed otherwise. We are to be parted for a few years but I hope not for ever. I have to make my fortune in the Wild Bush of Australia, but I hope it will not take long, and then I will return once more to my patrrnal roof, there to end my days in happiness and have a few lively children to sit on my knee
Bologna : Damiani Editore, 2020. Octavo, boards in dustjacket, pp. 160, photographic illustrations. New copy. In Oscar Wilde?s Italian Dream 1875-1900, leading Wilde author Renato Miracco has combined written research with visual iconographic material ? from Wilde?s earliest heady trips to Italy as an Oxford student to his final days in France and Italy in 1900 after his incarceration in Reading Gaol, and his voluntary exile from Great Britain. Italy, and the larger world outside of London, was essential to the sensitivity and awareness of Wilde?s identity, to his contributions to the prison reform, to his challenges to the social norms and sexual stereotypes in his last years. Latin formed the basis of a proper English gentleman?s education-and Italy presented a landscape which animated and exacerbated social and personal conflict for young men such as Wilde. It also offered a great deal of sexual liberty compared to the oppressive moral atmosphere of England at that time. The images Miracco has incorporated in this volume (including photos that Wilde received from the gay German photographer, Von Gloeden) are mainly unknown from private collections, and together with letters, reminiscences, magazine and newspaper articles (along with derogatory articles about Wilde written by the Italian press) play a key role in placing Wilde?s character, and an entire generation, in a complex context ? not only literary, but also visual. Reading about Naples, Rome, Palermo, Sicily, and Capri of that time, you see it as it must have appeared in the eyes of the writer. Oscar Wilde?s Italian Dream 1875-1900 is a major addition to the canon of one of the world?s greatest literary figures. The introduction to the book is by Philip Kennicott the Pulitzer Prize-winning art and architecture critic of The Washington Post.
I. Folded letter sheet. Small quarto bifolium (207 x 160 mm), laid paper watermarked 'Dewdney & Tremlett 1832'; manuscript in ink,  pp; headed 'Chester, Nov 5th', the letter is written in the hand of Elizabeth Cheatham (Morris), whilst in the Chester City Gaol where she was being held pending removal to the hulks prior to transportation. Elizabeth writes: 'My dear Father & Mother, I am sorry to afflict your tender hearts with my misfortunate Destiny after all the good advice you have boath given me. I was taken up for taking some money and sentenced to be Transported for Life and expect to go of every day and should be very happy to see you boath for the Last time and to hear from my Brothers and Sisters and hope the[y] will take warning by my unfortunate Fate, and if you will be so kind to send me a Little Money to get some little things for my Journey . [I] solemnly declare I never received one penny of the Money I am going Abroad for but had I taken your good advice I should not have come to this unfortunate End. May God Almighty Bless you all from your unfortunate Daughter. Elizabeth Cheatham, Chester City Gaol. Pleas to come as soon as possable and bring a few of my Cloaths with you.'; the third side is occupied by a short note addressed to Mr Cheatham by a Gaol official, who advises: 'If you wish to see your daughter you must be at Chester before Friday next. On that morning she will leave Chester City Gaol for Woolwich. She goes by the name of Elizabeth Morris.'; the panel on the outer side is addressed in Elizabeth's hand to 'John Cheatham, Bagley near Elismere (i.e. Ellesmere), with speed', and is postmarked 'CHESTER NO 5 1835'; original folds with several old tape repairs (but no loss of content), toning, remnants of black wax seal; complete. II. Folded letter sheet. Small quarto bifolium (205 x 160 mm), laid paper with Britannia and crown watermark; manuscript in ink,  page; headed 'Chester, Jany. 24th 1834', an autograph letter by George Jepson, Governor of the House of Correction & City Gaol, addressed to Elizabeth's father: 'Mr Cheatham, Herewith you will receive the petition for your Daughter together with the one you got signed and you must get some respectable individual to give the two petitions to the Member for Salop for them to present them to the Secretary of State, and then I think there will be a chance; but why should they call her Chestwood while her name is Cheatham; but if you will get them presented regularly I have not a Doubt all will be well. When you write please pay the postage as your Daughter has no money and I have to pay it out of my own pocket. I am, Yours Truly, Geo. Jepson, Govr. of the the House of Correction & City Gaol'; the panel on the outer side is addressed 'John Cheatham, Bagley, nr. Ellesmere'; original folds, toning, complete. This pair of unpublished letters shines a light on the tragic story of a young woman from the small rural village of Bagley in north Shropshire. In August and September 1833, at the age of 21, Elizabeth Cheatham had twice been arrested for being a common prostitute, but was found not guilty on each occasion.On 15 October 1833 she was arrested along with two men and charged with assaulting William Hesketh on the King's Highway and stealing 9 shillings. Of this crime she was found guilty, and sentenced to death on 25 October. Her sentence, however, was commuted to transportation for life. As we learn from these letters, two petitions pleading for Elizabeth to be pardoned were organised by her father and by the Governor of the Chester Gaol himself, George Jepson, while Elizabeth was still incarcerated there. Despite Jepson'sglibly optimistic remark that 'all will be well', the petitions clearly failed to impress the authorities: Elizabeth was duly taken from Chester to the hulks at Woolwich, and on 3 July 1834 - under the name Elizabeth Morris - she wasput on board the convict transportGeorge Hibbertalong with 143 other female convicts, bound for New South Wales, where she was to serve a life sentence. The George Hibbert arrived at Sydney Cove on 1 December 1834, and as early as January 1835 some of the prisoners were already in trouble. The Sydney Herald reported: 'The female prisoners who lately arrived per George Hibbert, seem fully equal to the task of rivalling in bad conduct those renowned damsels who arrived in the Colony a few years ago by the Roslin Castle and Lucy Davidson, and who were so noted at the time for their bad behaviour. Scarce a day passes without a batch of George Hibberts being placed at the bar of the Sydney Police.' Once in New South Wales it appears Elizabeth abandoned the use of her father's surname Cheatham altogether - perhaps out of fear it would shame her family. Her convict record gives her name as Elizabeth Morris, alias Chepwood, alias Chatter. George Jepson had already questioned why some petitioners knew her as Chestwood (a misreading of Chepwood on his part?), and not Cheatham. Elizabeth was sent to the Hunter Valley region, first to Patrick's Plains (Singleton) and later on, Newcastle, where she spent periods in the Gaol and in Female Factory. She was assigned at various times to Job Harris, John Smith and Major Sullivan. (Several extracts from her convict record are provided below). In June 1839 she married ex-convict Roger Cook Gofton (1789-1872) at Christ Church Cathedral, Newcastle. (Ex-convicts and free-settlers were encouraged to visit the female convict factories in order to choose a wife, as it was considered that marriage usually had a reformative effect on women convicts; the husband was responsible for his wife's upkeep from that point on, lessening the burden on the colonial purse).Gofton had been convicted at the York Assizes in 1816 and, like Elizabeth, was sentenced to transportation for life, arriving in Sydney on the Fame in 1817. He was granted a conditional pardon in 1836. Around the time of her marriage - it is not clear whether a few days before or afte
OWEN, Stephen (1801-1880)
Entire letter headed 'Moreton Bay, New South Wales, 11 July 1834', addressed to a close acquaintance of Owen's, 'Mr. Charles Hudson, to the care of J. O'Neil Esq., Quarter Master General's Office, Horse Guards, London'; manuscript in ink written in a neat hand on 2 sides of a quarto bifolium, on wove paper watermarked 'C. Wilmot 1832'; the letter is signed at the foot 'Very faithfully yours, Stephen Owen'; the address panel on the outer side has an intact red wax armorial seal with initials 'S.O.' and lion rampant; there are no postal markings, as the letter predates the official postal service (which commenced in 1838) and would have been carried 'per favor' by an unidentified party; original folds, short tear at edge of address panel, otherwise clean and legible. A previously unpublished and unrecorded letter, possibly the earliest extant item of private outwards correspondence from Moreton Bay. Stephen Owen, an officer of the Commissariat Department, arrived in Sydney as a cabin passenger on the female convict transportPrincess Royal in May 1829, accompanied by his wife Rachel (née Fletcher), whom he had married in London in 1827. Their first born child had died during the voyage. After working briefly in various locations in New South Wales, including Liverpool, Emu Plains and Bathurst, in January 1834 Owen was appointed officer in charge of the commissariat at the notorious Moreton Bay Penal Settlement, where he would be stationed until 1839. The settlement at Moreton Bay was the feared destination for the most violent, hardened and recidivist convicts in New South Wales, infamous for its rates of death and disease, the sadistic brutality of its convict overseers, and the prisoners' punishing daily regimen. We can only surmise that Owen, whose father was secretary of theBritish and Foreign Bible Society, and who was described by the Quaker James Backhouse, whom he met during his 1837 visit to Moreton Bay, as a 'very interesting and pious man', was a remarkably resilient character, forced (along with his family) to witness great human suffering and deprivation in this remote hell on earth. Owen and Rachel's second child Charlotte had been born in Liverpool, New South Wales (1831), while Stephen, junior (1835), Marion (1837), and John Henry (1839) were all born at Moreton Bay. Rachel died at Moreton Bay in August 1839, within a month of giving birth to John Henry. Faced with the prospect of raising four children alone, in May 1840 Stephen married Rebecca Crook (b. 1817, Tahiti), daughter of missionary William Pascoe Crook, in Scot's Church, Sydney, following his recall from Moreton Bay. Rebecca would bear him nine more children, the last born in 1857. In October 1836, following her shipwreck ordeal and rescue, it was to Stephen Owen's house at Moreton Bay that Eliza Fraser was brought to make her initial recovery, and a letter written by Owen and sent to his brother-in-law William Wilberforce, junior, contained perhaps the first account of her experience in her own words. That letter was published in John Curtis' Shipwreck of the Stirling Castle . (London, 1838). In his retirement in Tasmania Owen wrote an autobiography, which he completed in 1873 (the original manuscript is now in the State Library of Victoria). It was published in the year of his death asMemoir of Stephen Owen (Launceston, 1880). Transcript of the letter: 'My dear Charles, With much pleasure was received Anne's letter of December 1833, and I take the earliest opportunity of replying to it. I fear from Anne's account that you have suffered much hardship since we left England, but it is a great mercy that Anne has been so wonderfully supported in all her trials. My memory is very defective but to the best of my recollection I wrote several times to you after our arrival in this Colony - and I think you only wrote once in reply. However, Anne has certainly in her last letter given a full account of the circumstances in which you have been placed since we left you, and although it is painful to read of the troubles & afflictions of those who are dear to us, still it would have been far more distressing to us to have remained in a state of uncertainty. The length of time that is occupied in the passage from England to this Colony and back is so considerable, that possibly this letter may find you in different circumstances from those in which you were placed when Anne wrote to us, so that I scarcely know how to advise you. As regards our own circumstances, we have been fighting against difficulties, since we arrived in the Colony, but by the great mercy of God, we have been enabled to stand our ground, and our worldly affairs, as well as the concerns of our souls I trust, are beginning to prosper. Life under any circumstances is very uncertain, and such is the inferior state of my health, that my life is peculiarly precarious. I repeat therefore that I scarcely know how to advise you. I do not feel myself justified in recommending you to come out to this distant Colony, but if you were here, Anne would of course find a home with Rachel so long as we have a home ourselves, and I would strive to find you employment, although this Colony is beginning to to be overstocked by those who are looking for employment. Rachel has so great an objection to letter writing that she has neglected writing to her family; and I am not free from blame, as I ought to have written to them, both on Rachel's account and my own. I purpose writing to them. We have been travelling about very much since we arrived in the Colony - this is our sixth station. I think that the fatigue has impaired Rachel's health. She is not nearly so strong as she was. Our little Charlotte [b. 2 Feb 1831,Liverpool, New South Wales] is very well in health. Rachel sends her love to Anne and with our united best wishes, for the happiness of both of you. Believe me, very faithfully yours, Stephen Owen'. The Moreton Bay Penal Settlement: Following Oxley's survey of the Mor
Brisbane : Queensland University of Technology and Piper Press, 2011. Quarto, silver lettered cloth, illustrated dustjacket (chip and tear to spine), pp. 204, extensively illustrated, some folding plates. 'Published to coincide with the artist's 75th birthday and a major exhibition. The exhibition and book were launched by Her Excellency Ms Quentin Bryce.William Robinson: The Transfigured Landscape presents key works from Robinson's practice, including an unparalleled selection of the his critically acclaimed Creation series. Most images are produced as full-page illustrations, and to allow works to be appreciated fully, many were specially re-photogaphed for this book, and some larger works are reproduced across one of the four gatefolds that fold out to reveal larger works. Reproduced are both of Robinson?s Archibald Prize winning portraits, and many of his domestic interiors and farmyard scenes, but the greatest emphasis is on presenting and discussing his extraordinary landscapes.The images are integrated with the texts, and these have been written by curators and writers who have known the artist for an extended period. Dr Deborah Hart's lead essay is a revised and greatly expanded version of her 2001 essay in Queensland Art Gallery's Darkness & Light: The Art of William Robinson. David Malouf's essay has been adapted from its first appearance as the introduction to the exhibition catalogue William Robinson: Paintings and Pastels, published by Philip Bacon Galleries, Brisbane (2006).In their new essay, Desmond MacAulay and Bettina MacAulay explore the inter-relationships of painting and music in William Robinson's art.The essays by Dr Michael Brand and Hannah Fink are adapted from their first publication in Darkness & Light.' - the publisher
Adelaide : Wakefield Press, 2016 (2017 reprint). Quarto, 265 x 218 mm, illustrated wrappers, pp. 176, illustrated. New copy. It was one of the most lavishly equipped scientific expeditions ever to leave Europe. At the dawn of the nineteenth century, French navigator Nicolas Baudin led two ships carrying 22 scientists and more than 230 officers and crew on a three-and-a-half-year voyage to the 'Southern Lands', charting coasts, studying the natural environment and recording encounters with indigenous peoples. Inspired by the Enlightenment's hunger for knowledge, Baudin's expedition collected well in excess of 100,000 specimens, produced more than 1500 drawings and published the first complete chart of Australia. Baudin's artists, Charles-Alexandre Lesueur and Nicolas-Martin Petit, painted a series of remarkable portraits of Aboriginal people and produced some of the earliest European views of Australian fauna. An integral part of the French scientific project, these exquisite artworks reveal the sense of wonder this strange new world inspired. This book has been published to coincide with the touring exhibition The Art of Science: Baudin's Voyagers 1800-1804, which showcases more than 350 works from the Lesueur Collection held by the Museum of Natural History in Le Havre, Normandy, France. 'Vibrant insights into transimperial links with Indigenous and settler Australia from narrative and scientific perspectives.' - Julie McIntyre, Journal of Australian Colonial History 'Of the many drawings produced over the course of the voyage, some of the most exquisite are included in this book, with stand-outs including portraits of tiger quolls, the jellyfish Rhizostoma octopus, and what many would now consider the fairly unimpressive noisy miner. The purchase of this title can be justified simply by such artwork, but the discussions of the just-as-interesting scientific and political intrigues of the time make this book even more fascinating.' - Rachel Fetherston, Andrew Isles Natural History Books 'My advice to readers would be to read the book to get a better understanding of the background to Nicolas Baudin?s expeditions and the processes involved in recording the people, plants, animals and geography they encountered. Then visit the exhibition and read the book again when you get home. I?m sure it will inspire you to make a second expedition yourself, to look closer at some of the 350 works on display. Rating out of 10: 10' - Jan Kershaw, Glam Adelaide 'This magnificently produced and profusely illustrated volume presents a comprehensive overview of the scientific achievements of the voyagers led by Nicolas Baudin . This book is an absolute delight and will enchant readers for many years to come - it is a fitting memorial to the contributions of many lesser known people who made great efforts in understanding a very different world in the antipodes. The editors, authors and publisher are to be congratulated on producing such an outstanding work.' - Colin V. Murray-Wallace, The Globe 'The images have many facets, shifting as we look at them. In one glance they might appear intensely romantic, or extraordinarily realistic, while simultaneously encoding scientific information about form and shape. The intermingling of science and art in the zoological images is likewise breathtaking ? best appreciated with a magnifying glass.' - Danielle Clode, Historical Records of Australian Science 'A very beautiful and instructive way to get in touch with the historical and scientific significance of the Baudin expedition and the aesthetic qualities of art in the service of science.' - Julia Bottcher, Metascience Jean Fornasiero is Emeritus Professor of French Studies at the University of Adelaide and a Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities. Lindl Lawton is Senior Curator at the South Australian Maritime Museum. John West-Sooby is Professor of French Studies at the University of Adelaide.