Heroologia Anglica. hoc est clarissimorum et doctissimorum. aliqout [sic] Anglorum, qui floruerunt ab anno Cristi. M.D. vsq[ue] ad presentem annum M.D.C. XX viuæ effigies vitæ et elogia: duobus tomis. Authore. H.H. Anglo-BritannoHolland, Henry (?1583-1650); Passe, Crispin van de (?1565-1637); Passe, Magdalena van de (1600- ca. 1638); Passe, Willem van de (1598- ca. 1637), artists Bound in 19th c. crushed blue Morocco, ornately tooled with intricate, repeating tools with floral motifs (hinges and corners rubbed.) A fine, complete copy. There is a paper repair entering the text on C4r (no loss), marginal paper repairs to leaves D4, and V1-4 (not affecting the text); and a small rust hole in the margin of leaf Q2; lvs. 5 and 6, suppressed in some copies but present here, are discreetly re-margined at head (and possibly supplied.) The index leaf, supplied, has been re-margined at the top, with slight loss to the two words at the top. The engraving of Elizabeth's tomb is tipped in, as are the portraits of Martin Frobisher (sig H), John Harrington (sig M), and John Bale (sig. O). The Huntington copy has an extra plate at the end, with English verses by John Davies (d. 1618) not present in any other copy examined. A variant has an unsigned leaf of poems signed I. Gruterus. Provenance: bookplate of William Foyle (1885-1963) ("W. A. Foyle, Beeleigh Abbey."). Illustrated with an engraved title page -with roundel map of England and views of London and the Thames- and 67 engravings: 35 monarchs, peers, and famous commoners (including explorers and poets), Queen Elizabeth's tomb and Prince Henry's hearse, as well as 30 portraits of famous divines. The biographies and portraits include Thomas More, King Henry VIII, Lady Jane Grey, Philip Sydney, Queen Elizabeth I, Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex (the queen's favorite, ultimately beheaded for insurrection), William Tyndale, and notable navigators, explorers, and privateers: Thomas Cavendish, Sir Francis Drake, Martin Frobisher and John Hawkins, with short descriptions of their voyages. The text was written by the printer-publisher Henry Holland, son of the great Elizabethan translator Philemon Holland (d. 1637). The plates were engraved by the siblings Willem (d. 1642) and Magdalena van de Passe (1600- ca. 1638), with the possible exception of the engraved title page, which might have been the work of their father, Crispin van de Passe I (1564-1637). That Willem and Magdalena were collaborators is proven in the 'Carmen in Commendationem Libri Auctoris et Sculptorum' (p. ix verso). While the book, containing the first series of English portraits ever issued, was conceived and written by Holland, who also supplied the images from which the engravers would make their prints, the printing of the book was a joint venture paid for by Crispijn de Passe (then in Utrecht) and his frequent collaborator, the printer Jan Jansz. in Arnhem. The plates remained in De Passe's inventory until his death in 1637. In his post-preface Holland states that as far as he was able he obtained his portraits from contemporary paintings in oil. If it was objected that many other famous men might have been included in the volume, he excused himself on the grounds that he could not obtain a true likeness. "The 'Heroologia' was a natural sequel to Holland's 'Baziliologia'(a series of royal portraits), which was also a collection of plates of notable personages but without text. In the 'Heroologia', Holland, who was again the promoter, if not strictly the publisher, planned a regular book with portrait illustrations and lives of those portrayed, written by himself, adding eulogies and, in the case of writers, lists of their works. While referring to illustrious men and women of earlier centuries, he limited his field to the reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary I, and Elizabeth I. In the presentation of his book and the type of the portraits, he took as his model Jacob Vanderheiden's "Praestantium Aliquot Theologorum qui Romanum Antichristum praecipue oppugnarunt Effigies et Elogia"(The Hague: 1602). Note: a catalogue description pasted at front indicates that the index leaf comes from a reprint of the book made by Triphook. This is erroneous. There was no such reprint. In 1809, Triphook had Harding and Wright print a single leaf to accompany extant copies of the 1620 edition. The leaf was titled, "A list of the portraits in Holland's HerÅologia and of the places whence taken, extracted from the margin of a copy formerly in the possession of P. Mariette," (London : Printed for R. Triphook . by Harding and Wright ., 1809). FIRST EDITION (The first "o" in the word "HerÅologia" is a Greek omega.).
The Works of our ancient, learned, [and] excellent English poet, Jeffrey Chaucer: as they have lately been compar’d with the best manuscripts; and several things added, never before in print. To which is adjoyn’d, The story of the siege of Thebes, by John Lidgate, monk of Bury. Together with the life of Chaucer, shewing his countrey, parentage, education, marriage, children, revenues, service, reward, friends, books, death. Also a table, wherein the old and obscure words in Chaucer are explained, and such words (which are many) that either are, by nature or derivation, Arabick, Greek, Latine, Italian, French, Dutch, or Saxon, mark’d with particular notes for the better understanding their originalChaucer, Geoffrey (d. 1400) Bound in 17th c. sprinkled calf, the boards framed by a repeating gold tool. Discreetly rebacked preserving most of the original spine, corners bumped; new endpapers. With the full-page engraved portrait of Chaucer bound opposite the title page and a second title page (leaf c1) with a three-quarter page woodcut of Chaucer's arms. A very fine, crisp copy with trivial faults: a burn-hole in blank margin of leaf E4; two small spots on leaf N3; lvs. T2-3 lightly toned, clear dampstain to gathering Uu; occasional rust spots. The contents are: "The Canterbury Tales", together with the "Prologues"; "The Romaunt of the Rose"; "Troilus and Criseyde"; "The Legend of Good Women"; Chaucer's translation of Boethius' "Consolation of Philosophy"; "The Dreame of Chaucer"; "The Assemblie of Foules"; The Flower of Courtesie"; "How Pitie is Dead"; "La Belle Dame sans Mercie"; "Annelida and false Arcite"; "The Assembly of Ladies"; The Conclusion of the Astrolaby"; "The Complaint of the Black Knight"; "A Prayse of Women"; The House of Fame"; "The Testament of Love"; "Jake Upland"; John Lydgate's "Siege of Thebes" and a number of other minor works. Thomas Speght: "The schoolmaster and literary editor Thomas Speghtbecame interested inChaucerat Cambridge, an enthusiasm he shared withFrancis Beaumont, who later contributed a prefatory letter toSpeght'sChauceredition. It is possible that they formed part of a circle of Chaucerians at Peterhouse and it is perhaps significant that they overlapped with the Cambridge years of another noted Chaucerian,Edmund Spenser(1569-76). After Cambridge,Speghtappears to have maintained a private interest inChaucer. In October 1592 a reprint ofChaucer'sworks was entered in theStationers'register and by the time this work appeared under the titleThe Workes of our Antient and Lerned English Poet, Geffrey Chaucer, Newly Printedearly in 1598,Speghtwas the editor. "In preparing the editionSpeghtcertainly had the help of the antiquaryJohn Stowand the 1598 edition ofChauceris in some ways not much more than a revision ofStow'sown edition of 1561. AlthoughSpeghtlists works ofChaucer'swhich he claims were 'never before imprinted' (Speght,Workes, sig. Aiiiv) most of them in fact appeared inStow'sedition, suggesting the extent to which he saw his task as simply presenting anew whatStowhad done. "Nevertheless,Speght'snotes and introductory material are far more elaborate than in any previous edition and he was the first to provide a substantial glossary. While this suggests thatChaucer'slanguage was becoming difficult to read, it is also part of the process whereby the Chaucerian text was dignified by the kind of extensive apparatus a classical author might receive. Speghtalso contributed new annotations to the text ofChaucer, of which the most famous is his comment on a reference to the legendary hero Wade.Speghtwrote, 'because the matter is long and fabulous, I passe it over' (Speght,Workes, sig. Bbbb.iiiiv), an unfortunate omission as all knowledge of stories of Wade has subsequently been lost. "Also among the introductory material was an extensive biography, which informed all subsequent accounts of the poet's life until the 1840s. Several common beliefs aboutChaucerwere established here, some of them on the basis of texts attributed to the poet, but spurious. Hence,Chaucerwas thought (as supposed author ofThomas Usk'sThe Testament of Love) to have spent time in exile in the 1380s and was claimed as a fellow Cantabrian on the basis ofThe Court of Love.Speghtplayed upChaucer'slinks withJohn of Gauntand enhanced the image of the poet as a man who 'alwaies held in with the Princes, in whose daies he lived' (Speght,Workes, sig. Bviv). He was also the source of the biographical detail thatChaucerwas once fined2s.for beating a Franciscan friar in Fleet Street. The document supposedly recording this was found in the Inner Temple, leadingSpeghtto suggest that the poet studied law there. While the beating of the friar has never been disproved, it is suspiciously convenient evidence of an early and vigorous tendency to anti-clericalism on the poet's part, which, making him appear at odds with theChurch of Rome, helped to refashion aChauceracceptable to Reformation England. "Criticisms of the 1598 edition were forthcoming fromFrancis Thynne, son of the earlierChaucereditorWilliam Thynne, in hisAnimadversions uppon the Annotacions and Corrections . of Chaucers Workes.Speghttook heed of the criticisms, though they were not always accurate, and in a new edition ofChaucerappearing in 1602 he departed more decisively fromStow. In this work the ChaucerianÅ"uvrewas augmented by theABC, in print for the first time, and the anti-clerical (but non-Chaucerian)Jack Upland, which further bolstered the poet's reputation as a Wycliffite. "In 1687 a reprint of this work with a few alterations appeared, and remained in use even after the publication ofJohn Urry'smuch reviledChauceredition of 1721.Thomas Tyrwhitt, editing theCanterbury Talesin the 1770s, used the 1602 and 1687 editions ofSpeght, taking the latter as his base text. With a period of influence stretching from the late sixteenth century to the late eighteenth, then,Speght'sChaucerhas been the most durable of anyChauceredition.(Matthews, Oxford DNB).
A declaration of the practises & treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earle of Essex and his complices, against her Maiestie and her kingdoms, and of the proceedings as well at the arraignments & conuictions of the said late Earle, and his adherents, as after: together with the very confessions and other parts of the euidences themselues, word for word taken out of the originalsBacon, Francis, Lord Verulam (1561-1626); Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of (1566-1601) Bound in 20th c. crushed red Morocco, title tooled in gold on the spine. A fine copy. First leaf lightly soiled, small dampstain to outer margin of first 7 leaves, very slim and short worm-trail in upper margin of closing gatherings, verso of final leaf dusty and with light crease. ¾ page woodcut royal arms on verso of title and twice again in the text. Provenance: 18th c. signature (Hayes, 1780) on title; bookplate of William Foyle (1885-1963) ("W. A. Foyle, Beeleigh Abbey."). Complete with leaf A1, blank aside from a signature mark "A.j" According to a note in the Halliwell-Phillips copy (Folger) only two other copies with this leaf are extant. In the U.S., ESTC locates Folger, Harvard, Huntington, Newberry, Yale, Texas, Kansas. An official account of the trial, for treason, of the soldier-statesman Robert Devereux, second Earl of Essex (1565-1601), who had been Queen Elizabeth's favorite for more than a decade. In 1600, after a disastrous military campaign in Ireland, Essex, fearing for his position at court, marched on London in open rebellion. However, the popular support that Essex had expected failed to materialize, and Essex and his supporters withdrew to Essex's estate at Wanstead. Besieged by his enemies loyal to Elizabeth, Essex surrendered. He was imprisoned in the Tower, was tried and condemned for treason, and on 25 February, was executed in the courtyard of the Tower. Before he was beheaded, Essex 'Humbly thanked her majesty,that he should die in so private a manner, lest the acclamation of the people might have been a temptation unto him." The Account of the Trial: Throughout the 1590's Francis Bacon and Devereux shared a strong personal friendship and worked on each other's behalf in matters of career and state. When Essex returned in disgrace from Ireland in 1599, Bacon lobbied Queen Elizabeth unsuccessfully to deal with her favorite in private rather than in Star Chamber. However, when Essex "made his forlorn attempt at rebellion", his cause was lost. "At the trial that followed the queen made use of Bacon for the prosecution. When Essex accused Bacon of being an accomplice because he had written letters for Essex, Bacon retorted: 'I have spent more time in vain in studying how to make the earl a good servant to the Queen, than I have done in anything else' (Jardine and Stewart, 244). Bacon was also commissioned to prosecute some of Essex's followers, and the queen called upon him to write the official account of the trial." In 1604, in the early days of James I's reign, Bacon published a defense of his own part in the trial, writing "that the queen and the public service had always had his first priority: 'whatsoever I did . was done in my duty and service to the Queen and the State' (Works, 10.141)."(ODNB) The book includes affidavits and confessions from those privy to Essex's words and actions during the campaign in Ireland and upon his return to England. It concludes with an abstract of Essex's own written confession and a second confession made by him before three ministers just prior to his execution, already quoted above. "He publicly, in his prayer and protestation, as also privately, aggravated the detestation of his offence; and especially hearing of them that were present at the execution, he exaggerated it with foure epithets, desiring God to forgive him his great, his bloody, his crying, and infectious sin; which word 'infectious' he explained to us, that it was a leprosy that had infected far and wide."(l. Q4r recto).
A confutation of the Rhemists translation, glosses and annotations on the New Testament, so farre as they containe manifest impieties, heresies, idolatries, superstitions, prophanesse, treasons, slanders, absurdities, falsehoods and other evillsCartwright, Thomas (1535-1603); Brewster, William (1566/7-1644), printer A very fine copy, bound in contemporary reversed calf, re-backed in pigskin (some wear to the boards, corners bumped, water stain to upper board.) Internally a fine, fresh copy with minor blemishes: very pale damp-staining in the inner margins of gatherings G-I; again in the inner margins of the closing gatherings. There is a small worm-trail in upper blank margin of the opening gatherings, and a few small wormholes in the second half of the text. The impression of piece of inked (bearer?) type is visible in the lower margin of leaf Ccc4r; a few leaves with contemporary underlining. There is a bit of printer's waste with a contemporary manuscript list of book titles, including "Book of Martyrs in two volumes", "Bishop Whits [sic] Treatis of the Sabbath", and "Cartwright upon the Testament". 17th c. purchase inscription ("E Hill, Chr.") on title, dated 1629. First edition of this confutation, written by the Puritan theologian and religious controversialist Thomas Cartwright, of the Rheims New Testament (1582), the first Catholic Bible in English. This is one of only about twenty books printed by William Brewster on the Puritan separatist press at Leiden between 1617 and 1619. Brewster printed the book two years before his voyage to New England with the other "Pilgrims" upon the Mayflower. Brewster's press is now commonly referred to as "The Pilgrim Press". Despite being engaged by the Crown to write the work, Cartwright was ordered to stop writing in 1586. The book was designed to point out Catholic errors, but the Anglican clergy feared that Cartwright's analysis would also open Anglican practices to criticism. Cartwright's "Confutation" would remain unpublished until Brewster's edition. In his introduction to the book, the publisher explains that the manuscript was defective, due to "small defects by mice" and "through 30 yeares neglect." The "Pilgrim Press" operated in secret in the house of the separatist merchant Thomas Brewer; the books it produced were distributed clandestinely, with many of them smuggled into England and Scotland. By 1619, King James I had successfully pressured the Dutch authorities into shutting the press down. The type and other printing materials were seized; Brewster went into hiding. A year later, he sailed for New England. William Brewster, the Separatist Press, and The Pilgrims' Voyage to New England: In 1607, William Brewster and a group of persecuted Puritan separatists, including another future Pilgrim, the young William Bradford, sought refuge in Holland. Although a first attempt to flee England failed (the separatists were betrayed by the captain of the ship that they had engaged, and Brewster was arrested and jailed), in 1608, Brewster and the others reached Amsterdam. In 1609, the group relocated to Leiden, where Brewster was elected ruling elder. "In 1616, with the help ofEdward Winslow, Brewster started printing separatist and proscribed texts on a press in Koorsteeg (Choir Alley). In 1617 and 1619 he visited England to negotiate withSir Edwin Sandysfor a land grant and permission to settle in Virginia. He andJohn Robinsonco-signed the seven articles which disingenuously concealed their church's separatism. In 1619 complaints fromJames Iled to Dutch investigation of his publications, [resulting in the shuttering of the Pilgrim Press and the confiscation of its printing equipment and type.] Brewster fled to England and lay low until embarking with his family on theMayflower. As ruling elder he was the religious leader of the pilgrims when they finally set sail from Plymouth in September 1620. "In the absence of long-settled or competent ministers in Plymouth plantationBrewster, the non-graduate elder, preached, taught, prayed, catechized, and disciplined the congregation. His plain sermons were 'very moving and stirring of affections' and his prayers were capable of 'ripping up the heart and conscience before God' (Bradford, 327-8). His library contained nearly 400 Latin and English books valued at£43. Though the only gentleman pilgrim, he was modest, tactful, frugal, and 'peaceable' (Bradford, 326). In 1627 he became one of the undertakers who assumed Plymouth's debt of£1800to London investors. Though the elder was disbarred from civil office, the governor,William Bradford, consulted him 'in all weighty affairs' (ibid., 327). Despite many reverses of personal and plantation fortunes, he maintained a cheerful good humor and lived to a healthy old age. He died at Duxbury, Massachusetts, on 10 April 1644. His personal estate totaled£150, including 'a red cap, a white cap, a quilted cap, a lace cap, a violet coat and a pair of green drawers' (Willison, 8). His110 acrefarm in his later home of Duxbury was divided between his two surviving sons,JonathanandLove."(Oxford DNB) The Rheims New Testament: The Rheims New Testament was the work of the Catholic Recusant Gregory Martin, who worked on his translation under the supervision of Cardinal William Allen and Richard Bristow from October 1578 to March 1582. Martin also outfitted the Rheims Testament with a series of annotations. In his "Confutation" of the book, Cartwright includes the full text of the Rheims version of the Gospel of Matthew. The Rheims Testament and Martin's commentary (which Cartwright deemed more dangerous than the translation itself) required an immediate reply. The Crown chose Cartwright for this important task, with a dual purpose. The Queen and the Anglican clergy were troubled by Cartwright's brand of Puritanism and hoped to temper his radicalism by engaging him in this anti-Catholic polemic. By 1586, Cartwright had written his critical analysis as far as Revelation 15. However, since both Catholic as well as Anglican errors were unavoidably exposed, Archbishop John Whitgift then forbade Cartwright to proceed with his work. "The ecclesiastical authorities feared that it would tell against many of the semi-Roman usages of the Church of England and bolster up the Presbyterian Purita
Catullus et in eum Commentarius M. Antonii Mureti. ab eodem correcti, & scholiis illustrati, Tibullus, et PropertiusCatullus, Gaius Valerius (ca. 84-ca.54 B.C.); Tibullus (ca. 50-ca.18 B.C.); Propertius, Sextus. (ca. 49-ca. 16 B.C.); Sappho (d. ca. 570 B.C.) With three divisional title pages, all featuring the Aldine dolphin and anchor device. Bound in contemporary blind-tooled pigskin (lightly soiled, corners bumped, small hole in pigskin at head of spine, wear at extremities), signed "A.S.K." and dated 1562 on the upper board. Title page lightly soiled, intermittent mild foxing, light marginal staining in places. A few manuscript notes and underscores. The binding: decorated with blind-stamped images of Apollo (with harp)and the Muses: Caliope (with zither), Thalia (with lute), Euterpe (with horn), Terpsichore (with viola). The Euterpe stamp is signed "S.N.", that of Terpsichore is dated "1549". The binding is probably the work of the Wittenberg binder Conrad Neidel (active 1542-15602), see Haebler, Vol. I, p. 308. This edition marks the second appearance of the celebrated commentary of Marc Antoine Muret, "the most important commentary on Catullus since that of Parthenius in 1485."(Gaiser). Muret, who had fled France to avoid trial for homosexuality, prepared his commentary while taking refuge in Italy with Paul Manutius. Muret was the first commentator to pair Sappho's Greek poem "Phainetai moi kênos îsos theoisin"(Sappho 31) with Catullus' poem 51, "Ille mi par esse deo videtur", which Catullus based on Sappho's poem. "In 1552 Muret lectured on Catullus and other Latin poets in Paris, perhaps at the College du Cardinal Lemoine or the College de Boncourt. Included in his large and enthusiastic audiences were several poets of the Pléiade -most notably Ronsard, his friend and near contemporary. Muret's lectures created a fashion for Catullan poetry. His own neo-Latin collection, Juvenilia (1552), contains several Catullan imitations, but Catullus is still more important in the poetry of the Pléiade, much of which appeared close on the heels of his lectures."(Gaiser) Late in 1553 Muret was forced to leave Paris, where he was persecuted for being a homosexual. Earlier in the year he had been accused of "unnatural vice" and imprisoned at the fortress of Châtelet "and would have died of starvation had his friends not intervened to secure his release. Disgraced at Paris and reduced to poverty, he fled to Toulouse, where he eked out a living by giving lessons in law. He was accused a second time of having committed sodomy, in this instance with a young man named L. Memmius Frémiot, and on the advice of a councilor he absconded once more. He was sentenced to death in absentia and burned in effigy with Frémiot in the Place Saint-Georges as a Huguenot and sodomite. He crossed the Alps in disguise and was warmly received for a time in Venice, while in France his memory was ceaselessly vilified." (Warren Johansson) Soon after arriving in Venice, in May 1554, Muret was befriended by Paul Manutius, who, learning of his enthusiasm for Catullus, persuaded him to produce a commentary. Muret went to work and completed the task in a little less than three months, as he says in the dedication, dated October 15, 1554. "Since Muret had been in Venice only a few months, his commentary on Catullus was no doubt largely drawn from the Paris lectures. His notes display a combination of learning and poetic sophistication that would have appealed to the Pléiade. More than any of his predecessors except Valerianus, he discusses the artistic qualities of Catullus' work and the details of vocabulary and meter that work together to secure an effect. He appends a poem of his own in galliambics to his discussion of the meter in Cat. 63, discusses the appropriateness of the similes in Cat. 68 (which he regards as perhaps the most beautiful elegy in Latin) and discourses on the delight of studying Catullus' 'translations' in close conjunctions with their Greek models. He is the first commentator to print Sappho's poem with Cat. 51 (see folio 57), and he laments the loss of Callimachus' 'lock of Berenice' in the discussion of Cat. 66 and prints all the fragments of that poem known to him. "Muret is interested in the text, but he is cautious about emendations and adamant in refusing to admit modern conjectures and supplements, no matter how apposite. Muret's commentary was the first to be published since that of Guarinus in 1521 and the most important since that of Parthenius in 1485." (Gaisser, "Catullus", CTC Vol. VII, pp. 260-261) "Previous writers, Parthenius, Palladius, Avancius, Guarinus, had concerned themselves only with the elucidation of textual and grammatical difficulties. Muret pays far more attention to the literary and aesthetic side of Catullus' poems than any other commentator of the period. It is clear that he is professionally interested, as a poet himself and the teacher of poets, in Catullus' mastery of his art. He makes quite a number of literary and aesthetic judgements and these, sporadic and unsystematic though they are, form precious evidence of the sixteenth century attitude to Catullus. "On Catullus LI, the translation of Sappho's ode, Muret remarks: 'What man is there, at least amongst those who have some feeling for literature and culture, who does not derive the keenest pleasure in comparing the lines of that woman who far surpasses all men in this genre, and those of the most voluptuous of all the Latin poets?' ("poetae Latinorum omnium mollissimi.") Similarly on Catullus' Coma Berenices (LXVI) he bewails the loss of Callimachus' elegy on the same theme, which deprives posterity of the pleasure of comparing the great Greek poet with Catullus 'Latinorum poetarum sine controversia politissmus'." (Fitzgerald, Catullus and the Reader, the Erotics of Poetry). SECOND EDITION WITH MURET'S COMMENTARY (1st 1554).
De revolutionibus orbium coelestium libri VI : habes in hoc opere iam recens nato, & ædito, studiose lector, motus stellarum, tam fixarum, quàm erraticarum, cum ex ueteribus, tum etiam ex recentibus obseruationibus restitutos : & nouis insuper ac admirabilibus hypothesibus ornatos : habes etiam tabulas expeditissimas, ex quibus eosdem ad quoduis tempus quàm facilli me calculare poteris : igitur eme, lege, fruereCopernicus, Nicolaus (1473-1543) Bound in attractive, contemporary Parisian calf with some discreet repairs. The boards are blind-ruled and adorned with gold-tooled ornaments. This is one of very few to have appeared on the market in a contemporary binding. The text is in excellent condition, with just minor blemishes (small early erasure of an ownership inscription on the title just slightly touching the "D." in the date. Light damp-staining to first six leaves.) Collation as in Horblit; this copy without the errata leaf -printed separately and later- that is found in a minority of copies (about 20 percent). Preserved in a morocco-backed box. Provenance: At the foot of the title-page, an early signature has been thoroughly lined through. 17th- or 18th-century inscription on title of the Jesuit College of Paris. Bookplate of Gustavus Wynne Cook (1867-1940, amateur astronomer, collector, and benefactor of the Franklin Institute). Franklin Institute bookplate. Soldat Sotheby Parke-Bernet, New York, November 1977, lot 85. Purchased by Pierre Berès at Sotheby's London, 21 October 1980 and sold to a prominent Spanish private collector. "The earliest of the three books of science that most clarified the relationship of man and his universe (along with Newton's Principia and Darwin's Origin of Species)."-Dibner, Heralds of Science, 3. This work is the foundation of the heliocentric theory of the planetary system and the most important scientific text of the 16th century. Copernicus began to work on astronomy on his own. Sometime between 1510 and 1514 he wrote an essay that has come to be known as the Commentariolus that introduced his new cosmological idea, the heliocentric system, and he sent copies to various astronomers. He continued making astronomical observations whenever he could, hampered by the poor position for observations in Frombork and his many pressing responsibilities as canon. Nevertheless, he kept working on his manuscript of On the Revolutions. In 1539 a young mathematician named Georg Joachim Rheticus (1514-1574) from the University of Wittenberg came to study with Copernicus. Rheticus brought Copernicus books in mathematics, in part to show Copernicus the quality of printing that was available in the German-speaking cities. He published an introduction to Copernicus's ideas, the Narratio prima (First Report). Most importantly, he convinced Copernicus to publish On the Revolutions. Rheticus oversaw most of the printing of the book, and on 24 May 1543 Copernicus held a copy of the finished work on his deathbed. It is impossible to date when Copernicus first began to espouse the heliocentric theory. Had he done so during his lecture in Rome, such a radical theory would have occasioned comment, but there was none, so it is likely that he adopted this theory after 1500. His first heliocentric writing was his Commentariolus. It was a small manuscript that was circulated but never printed. We do not know when he wrote this, but a professor in Cracow cataloged his books in 1514 and made reference to a "manuscript of six leaves expounding the theory of an author who asserts that the earth moves while the sun stands still" (Rosen, 1971, 343). Thus, Copernicus probably adopted the heliocentric theory sometime between 1508 and 1514. Rosen (1971, 345) suggested that Copernicus's "interest in determining planetary positions in 1512-1514 may reasonably be linked with his decisions to leave his uncle's episcopal palace in 1510 and to build his own outdoor observatory in 1513." In other words, it was the result of a period of intense concentration on cosmology that was facilitated by his leaving his uncle and the attendant focus on church politics and medicine. In the Commentariolus Copernicus listed assumptions that he believed solved the problems of ancient astronomy. He stated that the earth is only the center of gravity and center of the moon's orbit; that all the spheres encircle the sun, which is close to the center of the universe; that the universe is much larger than previously assumed, and the earth's distance to the sun is a small fraction of the size of the universe; that the apparent motion of the heavens and the sun is created by the motion of the earth; and that the apparent retrograde motion of the planets is created by the earth's motion. Although the Copernican model maintained epicycles moving along the deferent, which explained retrograde motion in the Ptolemaic model, Copernicus correctly explained that the retrograde motion of the planets was only apparent not real, and its appearance was due to the fact that the observers were not at rest in the center. The work dealt very briefly with the order of the planets (Mercury, Venus, Earth, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, the only planets that could be observed with the naked eye), the triple motion of the earth (the daily rotation, the annual revolution of its center, and the annual revolution of its inclination) that causes the sun to seem to be in motion, the motions of the equinoxes, the revolution of the moon around the earth, and the revolution of the five planets around the sun. The Commentariolus was only intended as an introduction to Copernicus's ideas, and he wrote "the mathematical demonstrations intended for my larger work should be omitted for brevity's sake.". In a sense it was an announcement of the greater work that Copernicus had begun. The Commentariolus was never published during Copernicus's lifetime, but he sent manuscript copies to various astronomers and philosophers. He received some discouragement because the heliocentric system seemed to disagree with the Bible, but mostly he was encouraged. Although Copernicus's involvement with official attempts to reform the calendar was limited to a no longer extant letter, that endeavor made a new, serious astronomical theory welcome. Fear of the reaction of ecclesiastical authorities was probably the least of the reasons why he delayed publishing his book. The most important reasons for the delay
Hutten, Ulrich von (1488-1523) Bound in 17th c. calfskin, spine tooled in gold (discreet repairs to joints, corners, and top compartment of spine; slim crack at head of rear joint, minor wear to the gilding.) A nice copy with minor soiling to title and final leaf, and a few instances of light marginal foxing. With a title page allegorical woodcut of Fortuna (Fairfax Murray 215) and three attractive woodcut initials on a black ground. First edition of this important collection. Only the first "Fever" poem had appeared previously (in 1519). The anonymous German satire "Trias Romana"(1519) is a different work than Hutten's satire of the same name. The title woodcut illustrates the second (and lightest) of the five satirical dialogues, in which Hutten implores Fortune to grant him a pretty wife, a nice house with a library, children, and a reasonable income so that he can study and write. "Fever" I & II "The picture of Hutten handed down to us by history is that of the militant knight and poeta laureatus mentioned earlier. Yet in his dialogues, Hutten's positioning of his own persona is more complex and characterized by one development : the one-sided emphasis on militancy is attributed to the escalation of the Reformation controversy (evident in the Dialogi novi), whereas in the earlier dialogues deviations from this positioning are quite clear. "In the two Latin Fever dialogues (Febris prima and Febris secunda) of 1518/1519, the first dialogues in which Hutten himself appears, the author positions his own persona quite differently from his stance in the later works. In both dialogues the personified Fever attempts to invade the persona of the author in extolling to Hutten his own merits. Hutten tries to divert Fever's attention to other targets, in particular the clerics, who do not take poverty and chastity very seriously. Hutten does not limit himself to a harmless form of clerical satire; he recommends to Fever the figure of Cardinal Cajetan as a very worthwhile target. During his attendance at the Diet of Augsburg of 1518, the conduct and lifestyle of the Cardinal had offered more than enough material for satirical criticism. This polemical trait is not, however, the sole characteristic of this dialogue, which Hutten conceives in the tradition of a paradoxical encomium with his own figure being subjected to irony. "Fever tries to convince Hutten of his merits: a person beset with fever is industrious and sharp-witted and after the fever has abated, the health of the patient improves. Hutten as author can refute these claims from his own experience: when he was writing the Fever dialogues, he was undergoing the cure with Guaiacum that he had publicized in 1519 in the monograph written in that year. When the persona of Hutten declares in the dialogue that he has suffered from the aftermath of this and other diseases for many years after the fever has subsided, the author and the persona are correspondingly close. "Hutten continues with the ironic treatment of his own persona right at the beginning of the second Fever dialogue, as Fever, who was only temporarily repelled at the end of the first dialogue, now seeks even more intensive contact with Hutten. Hutten, aided by his squire, tries once again to shake Fever off. As the conversation progresses, Hutten is able to convince Fever that it is desperately needed to clean up the situation in Rome, and Fever finally leaves Hutten in peace. "The Observers" "As part of his criticism of the Church, Hutten's satire made a special target of Cardinal Cajetan, the Curia's envoy to the Diet of Augsburg in 1518. In his dialogue Inspicientes (The Observers), which appeared in 1520, Hutten has the sun god Sol and his son Phaethon observe and discuss the events in the northern hemisphere from the heavens. The two divine observers keep a careful eye on the Diet of Augsburg. At the end of the dialogue, Hutten has Cardinal Cajetan appear as the third participant in the dialogue. "In this dialogue's frenzied finale, Cardinal Cajetan vents his fury and arrogance at the sun god in the heavens and complains about the prolonged period of bad weather in Germany that is taking place contrary to his specific orders. The Cardinal threatens Sol with a ban since the god is not adhering to Cajetan's instructions and is questioning the authority of the pope. Thus, the Cardinal positions himself as being beyond the divine and human spheres and unmasks his hubris. His presumption stands in stark contrast to the positioning of Sol and Phaethon, who refer to him merely as a 'homuncio'. "Fortune" In a letter to Pirckheimer, Hutten wrote that some things are achieved on by fortune and not by virtue. "In those cases, I look for the turning of the wheel, to the blind goddess, the mad ruler, the queen of all vicissitudes. I look for a lucky turn of the wheel to bring me prosperity." In the dialogue "Fortuna", Hutten asks the goddess to grant him the means to lead a comfortable life, with leisure to study and write. "How much would be enough?" she asks. Well, Hutten answers, if he were to marry he would want a house with a garden, some land with a few fish ponds, dogs for hunting, a few riding horses, servants, herdsmen, cattle. The house must be outfitted with galleries, a library, dining rooms, baths, etc. He will also need money so that his wife can dress respectably and money to put aside for children. So, about 100,000 gulden. When Fortune advises to work instead, Hutten laments that he has worked and studied for years, wandering in exile, struggling with poverty and disease. He has tried to enrich himself at court, like other people, but has had no luck. Fortune tells him that if he wants to live a life of leisure and study, he should be content to live in poverty. After all, successful people don't have much leisure. "Do you know any?", she asks. "Priests", replies Hutten. As Fortuna casts fortune down upon the people of Earth, Hutten looks down on the scene from above and sees a mass of people scramb
Das Elltern die kinder zur Ehe nicht zwingen noch hyndern, Vnd die kinder on der elltern willen sich nicht verloben sollenLuther, Martin (1483-1546) Bound in modern drab wrappers. With a title border by Lucas Cranach the Elder showing Luther's monogram and the Luther rose (Luther, Titeleinfassungen, Plate 42). This particular woodcut border is significant; it marks the first time Luther's initials and the "Luther rose" have been incorporated into the woodcut itself to show that it is the first, authorized edition. Very light soiling to title and blank verso of final leaf. Tiny tears at head of title, a few marginal spots. 16th c. inscription at foot of title page. Marriage was a subject that occupied Luther from the very earliest days of the Reformation, when clerical celibacy was a central issue. Over the course of his life, Luther wrote numerous works on different aspects of marriage and its challenges, including divorce, impotence, adultery, and incompatibility. Luther, who married the former nun Katharina von Bora (Luther's "Katie"), wrote that children were the greatest gifts of marriage. "Parents had a crucial role to play in their children's entrance into the married state. Protestant and Roman teaching held the free mutual consent of the parties in an exchange of vows to be the constitutive act of marriage, although the reformers did not continue to regard the rite as a sacrament. They also parted ways on the validity of so-called secret marriages - that is, the freely exchanged promises between two parties of legal marriageable age, without public witnesses or parental consent. Whereas Roman canon law recognized such unions, Luther and other Protestant reformers vehemently opposed them, largely on the ground that they violated the Fourth Commandment. Luther believed that a child should not become engaged or marry without parental knowledge or consent, and that if he or she did so, the parents had the authority to dissolve such a union. However, he also insisted that such interference must be for substantive reasons. He did not concede to parents the authority to prevent a child's marriage arbitrarily."(Bunge, The Child in Christian Thought, p. 155) "In April 1524, Luther expressly published his comments on this subject in 'That Parents should never compel nor hinder the marriage of their children and that children should not become engaged without their parents' consent.' Parents are to help their children or else they overstep their bounds. Luther demands that in these matters a child should practice the suffering of Christian obedience, although, because of his weakness, the child has the right to involve the government at a mediator. The command to honor one's parents had its limits when it came to engagement and when parents would not help their children get married. They could not compel a child to remain single. If the marriage had already been consummated, it was wiser for the parents to consent after the fact. According to human law, the obedience demanded by parents was to be followed as long as they did not abuse their position but the Christian course of action was to seek an agreement and, if necessary, even to tolerate a violation of the law of obedience to parents."(Brecht, Shaping and Defining the Reformation).
Emblemata D. A. Alciati, denuo ab ipso autore recognita, ac, quæ desiderabantur, imaginibus locupletata. Accesserunt nova aliquot ab autore emblemata, suis quoque eiconibus insignitaAlciati, Andrea (1492-1550) A fine copy, lightly washed, in 19th c. red morocco, ca. 1880, signed Trautz-Bauzonnet, with gilt edges and turn-ins. Title page mildly foxed, gathering F toned. Illustrated with 211 woodcut emblems within elaborate woodcut borders. Ex Joost R. Ritman's Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica, Amsterdam. Illustrated with 211 woodcut emblems "by various hands", the majority based closely on those of Pierre Eskrich (ca. 1518- ca. 1590), who worked in the style of Bernard Salomon (1506-1561), who had provided 113 woodcuts for Jean de Tournes' Lyon edition of 1547. Many of the four-block borders with grotesque, strap-work or architectural elements are signed PV, probably for Pierre Vase, i.e. Eskrich. The section at the end entitled "Arbores" (O3r-P1v) makes use of illustrations from Leonhard Fuchs' "De historia stirpium" (1549). See Mortimer, French 16th-cent., numbers 15 and 16. The book concludes with an "Index emblematvm in locos commvnes digestorvm". A significant and beautiful edition of Alciati's "Emblems" ("Emblemata" in Latin), a work that inaugurated a new literary genre and inspired writers and artists -both imitators and innovators- for more than two centuries. Although Alciati first conceived of an "emblem" as an unillustrated epigram that could serve as inspiration for an image (such as a printer's device) but was not dependent on one, in its published incarnation the emblem assumed the now familiar tripartite form: a combination of a symbolic image (eikon, pictura, imago), an epigram (epigramma), and a "motto" (sententia), each element of which contributed to the meaning of the whole. The book was first printed in an unauthorized edition at Augsburg in 1531. Displeased with that edition, Alciati asked Christian Wechel to produce a new, corrected edition, which featured additional poems (and new illustrations) at Paris in 1534. Alciati produced another collection, printed in 1546. Other editions and translations followed, the majority of them with new woodcuts, and with additional emblems and modifications by Alciati. Published in the year of the author's death, this 1550 edition by Guillaume Rouillé and Macé Bonhomme contains 211 of the 212 woodcuts to appear during Alciati's lifetime. Landwher calls it "one of the most complete editions to date". The publishers present this edition as "denuo ab ipso Autore recognita", indicating Alciati's involvement in the edition. The format follows the format of the first Rouillé-Bonhomme edition of 1548, with the poems newly arranged according to subject, under common headings. A distinctive feature of the Rouillé-Bonhomme editions is the introduction of elaborate woodcut borders that surround and even seem to incorporate the motto, image, and epigram. "The team of Guillaume Rouille and Macé Bonhomme planned an ambitious programme of editions, including not only a French translation, but also versions in Italian and Spanish. At the same time, the total number of Alciati's emblems had increased, integrating the 86 new emblems published in Venice in 1546 and many others. The 1550 Latin edition by Rouille is the first to have 211 emblems (the whole corpus, apart from the soâcalled obscene emblem 'Adversus naturam peccantes' [which sowed a man defecating], illustrated, in octavos, with elaborate frames. The evolution of those editions thus reflects the historical improvement of the printing process, which attained an amazing development in Lyon."(Araújo, How can emblem books inspire new proposals for literary tourism?) "The publishing privilege granted to Guillaume Rouille bookseller, and to Macé Bonhomme, printer in 1548, not only empowered them 'to print a little book entitled the Emblems of Alciati, which they have caused to be prepared and set in order by General Titles, and common places, for the more easy understanding of the same, and to adopt new figures for the emblems, which hitherto had not been done by them nor designed,' but also mentioned expressly, 'several new emblems which they have reset of the said author that had not been printed, digested in their order and adorned with figures.' "When Rouille and Bonhomme thus collected into a volume the previous editions, in which the emblems together amounted to 201, they omitted a single emblem because of its grossness, and the new emblems, amounting to 11, made up the whole number to 211 emblems."(Green, Andrea Alciati and his books of emblems; a biographical and bibliographical study, p. 46) The Development of the Emblem Book: On 9 December 1522, Alciati wrote to the publisher Francesco Calvo: "In compliance with the wishes of the illustrious Ambrogio Visconti, I have, at this Saturnalia, composed a book of epigrams, to which I have given the title 'Emblemata'; for I give in each separate epigram a description of something, such that it signifies something pleasant taken from history or from nature, after which painters, goldsmiths, and founders can fashion objects which we call badges (imprese) and which we fasten on our hats, or else bear as trade-marks, such as the anchor of Aldus, the dove of Froben, and the elephant of Calvo, which carries its young for so long without giving birth."(translation by Miedema) The word "emblema" had long been used to signify an objet d'art or decorative inlay; Alciati now gave it a literary meaning. The emblem was the poem, independent of an image, complete in and of itself, in Miedema's words, "an epigram in which something is described so that it signifies something else", or put another way, "epigrams containing descriptions of representations" which could be executed by craftsmen. It was the first printer of Alciati's poems who added images to the "emblems". In 1531, the Augsburg printer Heinrich Steiner printed a collection of Alciati's epigrams that the author had dedicated to Conrad Peutinger. Steiner illustrated the collection with images by Hans Schäufelein, explaining to his readers his intention: to make the meaning of the poems clear to t
The most excelent worckes of chirurgery, made and set forth by maister Iohn Vigon, head chirurgien of oure tyme in Italy, traunslated into Englishe. Wherunto is added an exposition of straunge termes and vnknowen symples, belongynge vnto the arteVigo, Giovanni da (1450?-1525) Bound in contemporary blind-ruled and tooled English calfskin over wooden boards, lacking the clasps but with the original catches present. The binding has been rebacked with sheepskin, preserving the original calfskin spine, with some wear and flaking to the sheep at the hinges. A small section of the leather on the lower board has also been underlaid with sheep. The leather of the boards is a little crackled and there is wear at the corners. Modern endpapers with the original 16th c. endpaper (with 16th c. inscriptions) pasted inside the upper board. The final blank, with further 16th c. inscriptions, is also preserved. Rare. 7 copies in the U.S.: Countway, Folger, Huntington, Wisconsin, NYAM, Morgan Library, Kansas. (The first edition is equally rare.). A good copy, with some cosmetic faults and supplied leaves, and with contemporary inscriptions, in its original binding. Leaves 3-6, Ff4, and the final three gatherings have been supplied from a slightly shorter (.5 cm.) copy. There has been some careful restoration to the title page, with a small part of the upper woodcut border supplied in ink. There are mild to moderate damp-stains through gathering I and intermittently thereafter; a few mended marginal tears, a small marginal flaw at the head of leaf Z1, an old repair in the margin of c4 affecting a couple of words on the recto, a repair obscuring some text on leaf U5, staining in the gutter of gathering Mm; leaf Ff4 stained, leaves Yy3 and YY4 re-margined at foot with loss to a few words, and some small light wax spots. There are 16th c. annotations on leaves T6, U2, U4, Gg6, Pp2-4 ,Zz, and [et][et]1, as well as on the front pastedown and both sides of the final blank leaf, including 17th c. signatures of "Johannes Russell, 1658" (on leaf Zz5v and the final blanks) and the 16th c. signature of the surgeon John Smart "Liber iste est Johannis Smarti chyrurgi, 1566"(final text leaf and final blank). The annotations: While not profuse, the annotations are of interest for their variety. The reader draws our attention to passages on purgation ("in somer it is more convenience to use vomyte"; "preservative purgation of the body, that it fall not into disease", "chosynge of the tyme of a disease, when the medicine shall be given to the patient", "who ought not to be purged with a strong medicine", etc. (Fol. Ccxxv), a plaster for dislocated joints (Fol. Clxxvi), diseases affecting the skin such as erysipelas, herpes, and impetigo (leaf [et]1), "an electuary to resolve bloode" and the use of a "shepes skynne newly slayne" to wrap the loins when treating certain internal injuries (Fol. Cxii), unguents and plasters for animal bites; different types of corrosive ulcers. He gives the English name ("Swete bryer") for bedeguar, with the note "Some take it for the thistle with spekled leaves." Bartholomew Traheron's English translation of Giovanni da Vigo's surgical works, the first English translation of a comprehensive Renaissance surgical text. Henry VIII himself owned a copy of Traheron's "Chirurgery", and the translation further popularized a work already widely-used in England. The Italian surgeon Giovanni da Vigo's surgical writings, "Practica in arte chirurgica copiosa"(1514) and his shorter "Practica in arte chirurgica compendiosa"(1517), were two of the most important surgical treatises of the 16th century. Vigo served as personal surgeon to Pope Julius II and attended him on the battlefield. His "Practica copiosa" was the first complete system of surgery after that of Guy de Chauliac and the chief surgical textbook until the time of Ambroise Paré. To assist his readers, Traheron included a 30-page glossary titled "The interpretation of straunge words, used in the translation of Vigon". Printed only four years after Sir Thomas Elyot's "Castel of helth", the glossary played a role in the ongoing adaptation of non-English vocabulary (including scientific and technical words) for use in English.(See McConchie, English Medical Dictionaries and Lexicographers 1547 to 1796, pp. 50-53) "The 'Practica in arte chirurgica copiosa' consists of nine books ranging from a consideration of anatomy necessary for a surgeon, to sections on abscesses, wounds, ulcers, benign and malignant tumors, fractures and dislocations, pharmaceuticals, ointments and plasters, as well as sections on dentistry, exercise, diet, syphilis, among others. "Da Vigo introduces a novel approach for treating mandible dislocations and describes a trephine he invented, as well as a number of new instruments. Examination of his work demonstrates that he had a broad knowledge in surgery, based in part on the ancient Greek and Arabic medical literature but mainly on his personal experience. Vigo contributed significantly to the revival of medicine in the sixteenth century, and he can be considered as a bridge between Greek medicine of antiquity, Arabic medicine, and the Renaissance."(Gurunluoglu) Vigo's "Practica" met with enormous success. Within thirty years it achieved twenty-one editions and was translated into Italian, English, Spanish, French, German, and Portuguese. It was "the chief surgical textbook until the time of Paré. Part of its great popularity was due no doubt to Vigo's discussion of two major problems of his time: gunshot wounds and syphilis. He recommended cautery and boiling oil for treating gunshot wounds and mercury-based ointments and inunctions for syphilis. Vigo was also interested in dentistry and was one of the first to use gold leaf to fill cavities of the teeth. In spite of the fact that his works were widely published, early editions are rare."(Eimas) Three years after publishing the "Practica Copiosa", and "possibly stimulated by the'Compendium in chirurgia'(1514) of his pupil Mariano Santo da Barletta, Vigo published the five-book'Practica in arte chirurgica compendiosa', in which he amplified and made more precise his teaching on certain topics, particularly on trephination. He was the first in the [R