Liber Antiquus Early Books & Manuscripts

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Remaines Concerning Britaine: Their Languages. Names. Surnames. Allusions. Anagrammes. Armories. Monies. Empreses. Apparell. Artillarie. Wise Speeches. Proverbs. Poesies. Epitaphes. Written by William Camden Esquire, Glarenceux, King of Armes, Surnamed the Learned. The fift Impression, with many rare Antiquities never before imprinted. By the industry and care of Iohn Philipot, Somerset Herald.

Camden, William (1551-1623) ÒAn ill cook cannot lick his own fingersÓ. Proverbs, Sir Thomas MoreÕs witticisms, & The LordÕs Prayer in Anglo SaxonQuarto:18.2 x 13.5 cm.A-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa-Hhh4 (lacking final blank Hhh4)FIFTH EDITION variant.Bound in contemporary English blind-ruled calf, rebacked. The edges of the text block are sprinkled red. Internally, this copy is in fine condition with crisp leaves and just the occasional marginal note or small ink spot. The added, engraved portrait of the author is bound facing the title page. Provenance: Samuel Stillingfleet (armorial bookplate), Cecil Stillingfleet (inscription on title), Earls of Cowper (bookplate), Brocket Hall (bookplate.)Camden originally collected this information for inclusion in an edition of his "Britannia" that never materialized.The "Remaines" is full of curious riches that cover all manner of topic: descriptions of the climates, topography, and inhabitants of the British Isles; names (of both men and women) and their derivations; the development of the surname; various aspects of language and specific points of dialect; poetry; anagrams; acrostics; and proverbs (of which there are nearly 400 and these are quite delightful). In the chapter on languages, Camden demonstrates the development of English from the Anglo-Saxon tongue by reproducing five renderings of the LordÕs Prayer, the first written "about the yeare of Christ 700 found in ancient Saxon glossed Evangelists, written by Eadfride, eighth bishop of Lindisfarne." And the last version "as it is in the translation of Wickeliffe".In the chapter "Wise Speeches", we find quotations from such notable figures as William the Conqueror, Richard III, the epigrammist John Heywood, and Sir Thomas More, including the latterÕs famous remarks on the scaffold. In the section "Poems", Camden mentions William Shakespeare (along with Sidney and Jonson) as one of the "most pregnant wits of these our times, whom succeeding ages may justly admire." (p.319)ÊThe "Remaines" is also of interest for CamdenÕs description of 136 unillustrated emblems under the heading "imprese", a word that he defines as "a device in a picture with his Motto, or Word, borne by noble and learned personages to notify some particular conceit of their own."STC 4526; The English Emblem Tradition, Vol. 4, Edited by Peter M. Daly and Mary V. Silcox (1999)
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Disquisitionum Magicarum Libri Sex, Quibus Continentur Accurata Curiosarum Artium et vanarum superstitionum confutatio, utilis Theologis, Jurisconsultis, Medicis, Philologis. Autore Martino Del-Rio Societ. Iesu Presbyt. LL. Licent. et Theol. Doct. olim in Academia Graetcensi, et Salmanticensi, publico S. Script. Professore. Prodit Opus ultimis curis longe accuratius ac castigatius. Superiorum Permissu et Licentia.

WITCHCRAFT. Del Rio, Martin Antoine, S.J. (1551-1608) A New ÒHammer of WitchesÓ for the 17th Century - An Excellent CopyQuarto:21 x 17.5 cm.[14], 1221 (recte 1107), [48] p. Collation: *4, **4, A-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa-Zzz4, Aaaa-Zzzz4, Aaaaa-Zzzzz4, Aaaaaa-Zzzzzz4, Aaaaaaa-Fffffff4, Ggggggg2NINTH EDITION (1st 1599).A nice copy in contemporary vellum over wooden boards with clasps (staining to fore-edge of upper board, a few stains on rear board, front joint just starting.) Text with a small wormhole to outer margin, never touching the text. A few light marginal spots, occasional light browning or foxing but still an unusually nice copy of a book almost always found browned. Engraved title page.The Jesuit jurist Mart’n del RioÕs ÒDisquisitionum Magicarum Libri SexÓ (Six Books of Disquisitions on Witches) was written about 1596 and first published in 1599. The book had enormous impact and was consulted and cited for over a century. Much in the book is understandably frightening. Vague guidance is given for determining if a person has made a pact with the devil, and the methods recommended for extracting confessions from accused sorcerers and witches are horrifying. Even children, who are not to be racked, are nevertheless to be frightened into confession by being stripped naked, chained, and led to the rack.ÒIts six sections discussed the following topics: 1. Magic in general, and the distinctions between natural and artificial magic; alchemy. 2. Diabolical magic; witches at the Sabbat; incubus demons; real and false apparitions. 3. Maleficia and how accomplished. How and why God allows men to be tormented by evil spirits. 4. Prophecy, divination (when heresy, when merely superstition), ordeals (Del Rio is somewhat dubious of the value of the Ôbain des sorciersÕ or ÔswimmingÕ). 5. Instructions to judges: indications and proofs of witchcraft follow practices for heresy but judges are allowed some latitude. 6. Function of the confessor; natural (coral, onyx) and supernatural (exorcism amulets) means to oppose maleficia.ÒUnder a veil of moderation-he permitted legal counsel for witches and he rejected lycanthropy -Del Rio revived the theories and procedures of the ÔMalleus MaleficarumÕ with credulity and blind intolerance. For example, Del Rio told Ôanother quite well-founded storyÕ. ÔIn the year 1587, a soldier on guard shot into a dark cloud, and lo, a woman fell to his feet. Now what do those say who deny that witches ride to meetings? They will say that they do not believe it; let them remain incredulous, because they will not believe eyewitnesses of whom I could adduce manyÕ.ÒBy 1600, the venom of witch hunters was directed against the witch lovers who questioned the theories and practice of the witch trials. Said Del Rio: ÔJudges are bound under pain of mortal sin to condemn witches to death who have confessed their crimes; anyone who pronounces against the death sentence is reasonably suspected of secret complicity; no one is to urge the judges to desist from the prosecution; nay, it is an indicium of witchcraft to defend witches, or to affirm that witch stories which are told as certain are mere deceptions or illusionsÓ. Like Bodin, Del Rio was acceptable to Protestant witch hunters because of his friendship with Justus Lipsius of Leyden. Consequently, he became well known in England.Ó (Robins, Encyclopedia of Witchcraft and Demonology, p. 121-123)For a discussion of Del RioÕs work and its influence in the age of early scientific inquiry, see Waddell, ÒJesuit Science and the End of NatureÕs SecretsÓ, p. 32 ff.Faber du Four 1243. Graesse, Magica et Pneumatica, p. 47. Rosenthal 2903. VD 17 23:250512Y; Palau 268.284; de Backer-Sommervogel II, 1900
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Dialogi novi, perquam festivi. Bulla, vel Bullicida. Monitor primus. Monitor secundus. Praedones.

Hutten, Ulrich von (1488-1523) An Empty Bladder: Mocking Leo XÕs BullQuarto:21.5 x 15.5 cm.37, [1] lvs. (final leaf blank). Collation: A-H4, I6 (I6 blank and present)FIRST EDITION.Modern boards. With a small title woodcut of Hutten in armor by Hans Baldung Grien. Fine copy, light dampstain to upper inner corner of a few lvs., small tear to one corner, far from text.Sole edition of these new satiric dialogues. In the ÒBull or Bull KillerÓ, Hutten satirizes Leo XÕs bull ÒExsurge DomineÓ, which threatened Luther and his followers with excommunication. Playing on the word ÒBullaÓ, Hutten calls LeoÕs order an Òempty bladder.Ó In ÒPraedonesÓ (Òthe RobbersÓ), Hutten points out the corruption of jurists, merchants, and bishops, while defending the rights of the German knights. In the two ÒAdmonisherÓ dialogues, two advocates of the Reformation cause (in the first, Luther and in the second, Sickingen) argue their positions, one successfully, the other not.The ÒBull KillerÓ.ÒAlthough Hutten is not mentioned by name in LeoÕs bull, he is mentioned in the Instruction of 16 July 1520, with which Leo entrusts to his legate Hieronymus Aleander with the implementation of the bullÉ. The bull marks a major turning point in HuttenÕs literary battle against the Church in Rome. Hutten reacted to the bull with several publications including the dialogue ÔBulla vel BullicidaÕ (ÔThe Bull or the Bull KillerÕ), from the literary point of view one of HuttenÕs most dramatic and potent dialogues. The persona of Hutten occupies about four-fifths of the dialogue along with the personifications of German Freedom (Libertas Germana), and the Bull. These are joined at the end by Franz von Sickingen, Emperor Charles, and Stromer.ÒThe dialogue begins with a scene that is similar in its turbulence to the second ÔFeverÕ dialogue: German Freedom has to defend herself against the physical attacks of the Bull and, as a last resort, calls the German people to her aid. In this way, Hutten ensures that his persona has a dramatic entry: he enters the scene as the sole savior of German Freedom under threat and starts conversing with her as with an old friendÉÒAs the conversation proceeds, the symbolic power of the Church in Rome as symbolized by the Bull becomes more and more undermined. HuttenÕs persona demonstrates that the Bull is not able either to convincingly defend the claims it puts forward in argument or defence itself against criticismÉ.ÒAfter it has become clear that no serious, objective discussion with the Bull is possible, Hutten resorts to more drastic forms of mockery. In so doing he makes use of the original meaning of the Latin word ÔbullaÕ, which is Ôbladder.ÕÉÒ[The] dispute between the Bull and the Hutten persona starts to escalate and finally turns violent. The burlesque comedy of this scene is in no way inferior to the turbulent beginning of this dialogue and the intensity of the dispute far exceeds that of the early part of the second Fever dialogue. The scene here, where they come to blows, also has its comical aspects and again closely follows the tradition of Plautus, something Hutten makes clear from the outset with his choice of words. Comedy apart, the words mainly serve in this scene to display HuttenÕs dauntlessness in a real altercation when he literally positions himself as a pioneer fighting for German liberty.ÒIn the ÔBullaÕ Hutten campaigns energetically for support from his compatriots in his fight against Rome. In the mingling of private and public that is so typical of him, he declares this fight for freedom, which is just as much his personal fight, to be a public cause in the interest of the community. As in other passages in his work Hutten makes use of the threat posed by the Turks and states that the Church in Rome is a greater menace to Germany than the Turks. In this way he attempts to legitimize the use of force : he invokes a march of 100,000 men under the leadership of Franz von SickingenÉÒThe finale of this dialogue offers a suitable crescendo. The Bull finally bursts of its own accord, grotesquely inflated by rage and ambition. This results in the final unmasking of the Bull, who in effect unmasks itself. The bursting causes its insides to be turned to the outside and its innards displayed before the eyes of the interlocutors as in a public autopsy. Hutten parades all the evils and vices of which the Bull is presumed capable before the eyes of the reader using all the tools of rhetorical evidentia.ÒHutten calculated that in this way he could get out of the bull in the same way that he got into it Ð with strong public positioning Ð and this is what in fact happened. His name was deleted from the next bull of excommunication ÔDecet Romanum pontificemÕ. The letters of the papal legate, who was to ensure that the bull was distributed in Germany, show that he was afraid of the consequences for his person during his sojourn in Germany, should Hutten be named in the bull.Ó(Arnold Becker, HuttenÕs Polemical Dialogues: Literary Positioning and its Impacts, in Forms of Conflict and Rivalries in Renaissance Europe, p. 71 ff.)ÒThe RobbersÓThe impetus for writing ÒThe RobbersÓ was an appeal put before the Emperor by German merchants complaining that knights were carrying out illegal feuds. Among those who supported the right of knights to take justice into their own hands were, unsurprisingly, Hutten and Sickingen. The interlocutors in this dialogue are Hutten, Sickingen, and a merchant. It is thought that Sickingen cooperated in the composition of this dialogue and that the sentiments put into his mouth were such as he had frequently expressed in conversation.ÒIn response to the merchants accusations that knights are robbers, Hutten argues that there were far more dangerous robbers in Germany. The list includes bishops, jurists, and merchants. Highway robbers (of whom some were knights) come only at the end of the list. Both bishops and merchants are seen as depriving Germany of its wealth: the bishops by paying Rome immense b
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Dialogi. Fortuna. Febris prima. Febris secunda. Trias Romana. Inspicientes.

Hutten, Ulrich von (1488-1523) Fever, Fortune, & The Transgressions of RomeQuarto:20 x 14.5 cm.[144] p. Collation: A-B4, C6, D-N4, O6, P-R4.FIRST EDITION OF THE, FORTUNA, FEBRIS SECUNDA, AND INSPICIENTES. Modern marbled boards, light wear. With a title page allegorical woodcut of Fortuna (Fairfax Murray 215). A nice copy, broad-margined (with a few deckled edge) and printed on heavy paper, title a little dusty, small burn hole toward the gutter to four lvs. slightly affecting text (one or two letters) on 2 lvs. (no loss of sense). Three attractive woodcut initials on a black ground. Two contemporary notes to margin of one leaf of the ÒTrias RomanaÓ, one noting the price Albert of Brandenburg paid for the pallium of the see of Mainz.First edition of this important collection. Only the first ÒFeverÓ poem and the ÒTrias RomanaÓ had appeared previously (in 1519). The title woodcut illustrates the second (and lightest) of the five satirical dialogues, in which Hutten implores Fortune to grant him a pretty wife, a nice house with a library, children, and a reasonable income so that he can study and write.ÒFeverÓ I & IIÒThe picture of Hutten handed down to us by history is that of the militant knight and poeta laureatus mentioned earlier. Yet in his dialogues, HuttenÕs positioning of his own persona is more complex and characterized by one development : the one-sided emphasis on militancy is attributed to the escalation of the Reformation controversy (evident in the Dialogi novi), whereas in the earlier dialogues deviations from this positioning are quite clear.ÒIn the two Latin Fever dialogues (Febris prima and Febris secunda) of 1518/1519, the first dialogues in which Hutten himself appears, the author positions his own persona quite differently from his stance in the later works. In both dialogues the personified Fever attempts to invade the persona of the author in extolling to Hutten his own merits. Hutten tries to divert FeverÕs attention to other targets, in particular the clerics, who do not take poverty and chastity very seriously. Hutten does not limit himself to a harmless form of clerical satire; he recommends to Fever the figure of Cardinal Cajetan as a very worthwhile target. During his attendance at the Diet of Augsburg of 1518, the conduct and lifestyle of the Cardinal had offered more than enough material for satirical criticism. This polemical trait is not, however, the sole characteristic of this dialogue, which Hutten conceives in the tradition of a paradoxical encomium with his own figure being subjected to irony.ÒFever tries to convince Hutten of his merits: a person beset with fever is industrious and sharp-witted and after the fever has abated, the health of the patient improves. Hutten as author can refute these claims from his own experience: when he was writing the Fever dialogues, he was undergoing the cure with Guaiacum that he had publicized in 1519 in the monograph written in that year. When the persona of Hutten declares in the dialogue that he has suffered from the aftermath of this and other diseases for many years after the fever has subsided, the author and the persona are correspondingly close.ÒHutten continues with the ironic treatment of his own persona right at the beginning of the second Fever dialogue, as Fever, who was only temporarily repelled at the end of the first dialogue, now seeks even more intensive contact with Hutten. Hutten, aided by his squire, tries once again to shake Fever off. As the conversation progresses, Hutten is able to convince Fever that it is desperately needed to clean up the situation in Rome, and Fever finally leaves Hutten in peace.ÒThe ObserversÓÒAs part of his criticism of the Church, HuttenÕs satire made a special target of Cardinal Cajetan, the CuriaÕs envoy to the Diet of Augsburg in 1518. In his dialogue Inspicientes (The Observers), which appeared in 1520, Hutten has the sun god Sol and his son Phaethon observe and discuss the events in the northern hemisphere from the heavens. The two divine observers keep a careful eye on the Diet of Augsburg. At the end of the dialogue, Hutten has Cardinal Cajetan appear as the third participant in the dialogue.ÒIn this dialogueÕs frenzied finale, Cardinal Cajetan vents his fury and arrogance at the sun god in the heavens and complains about the prolonged period of bad weather in Germany that is taking place contrary to his specific orders. The Cardinal threatens Sol with a ban since the god is not adhering to CajetanÕs instructions and is questioning the authority of the pope. Thus, the Cardinal positions himself as being beyond the divine and human spheres and unmasks his hubris. His presumption stands in stark contrast to the positioning of Sol and Phaethon, who refer to him merely as a ÔhomuncioÕ.ÒFortuneÓIn a letter to Pirckheimer, Hutten wrote that some things are achieved on by fortune and not by virtue. ÒIn those cases, I look for the turning of the wheel, to the blind goddess, the mad ruler, the queen of all vicissitudes. I look for a lucky turn of the wheel to bring me prosperity.Ó In the dialogue ÒFortunaÓ, Hutten asks the goddess to grant him the means to lead a comfortable life, with leisure to study and write. ÒHow much would be enough?Ó she asks. Well, Hutten answers, if he were to marry he would want a house with a garden, some land with a few fish ponds, dogs for hunting, a few riding horses, servants, herdsmen, cattle. The house must be outfitted with galleries, a library, dining rooms, baths, etc. He will also need money so that his wife can dress respectably and money to put aside for children. So, about 100,000 gulden.When Fortune advises to work instead, Hutten laments that he has worked and studied for years, wandering in exile, struggling with poverty and disease. He has tried to enrich himself at court, like other people, but has had no luck. Fortune tells him that if he wants to live a life of leisure and study, he should be content to live in poverty. After all, successful people donÕ
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Katecismo Indico da lingua Kariris, acrescentado de varias praticas doutrinaes, & moraes, adaptadas ao genio, & capacidade dos Indios do Brasil. pelo padre Fr. Bernardo de Nantes, capuchinho, prgador, & missionario apostolico; offerecido ao muy alto, e muy poderoso rey de Portugal Dom Joa› V.S.N. que Deos guarde.

BRAZIL. Bernardo de Nantes (fl. 1686-1709; Martin de Nantes (1638-1714) A Rare Witness to an extinct Brazilian Language Ð With Poems in Karir’Octavo:15.5 x 9.5 cm. [24], 363, [1] p. Collation: a8, b4, A-Y8, Z8 (with blank Z7, blank Z8 absent). Complete.FIRST EDITION.A very fine copy in contemporary limp vellum. Binding and contents in excellent condition with just a mild stain to two lvs. of the epistle. Provenance: 19th c. Library stamp of Dom Pedro de Sousa Holstein, Duque de Palmela (1781-1850), the first Prime Minister of Portugal, ownership inscription of C. R. Boxer (b. 1904), noted historian of Portuguese colonial history, on fly-leaf.An extremely rare Catechism, the first in the Karir’-Dzubucu‡ language, printed in Portuguese and Karir’ in parallel columns. With other important texts in Karir’ (see below). The book is a valuable witness to this now-extinct language. Today, the roughly 4,000 ethnic Karir’s are largely monolingual Portuguese speakers.The translation is the work of Bernardo de Nantes, Superior of the Capuchins of Pernambuco. In his preface to King Jo‹o V, he writes that he has been teaching among the Indians for 23 years and explains that this language is considerably different from the language of the Karir’-Kipe‡ Indians, for whom a Catechism (by Mamiani) had appeared in 1698.(See Kappel, Bosch 162). ÒThe terms Karir’ and Kiriri are not mere mis-spellings. In the prologue to GarciaÕs edition of MamianiÕs ÔArteÕ, he writes that ÔQuiririÕ is applied to the tribes of Bahia, and ÔCaririÕ for those of the North. According to Garcia, the Karir’s lived near the river of S‹o Francisco and spoke Dubucu‡ (or Dzubucu‡), a different language, but related to that of another tribe, the Kipe‡. In the study of Rodrigues (1999) we read that ÔKarir’ was mainly located between Itapicuru and the middle and lower S‹o Francisco river, in central and north-eastern Bahia and southern Sergipe, and with some extensions northward and southward.ÕÓ(Zwartjes, Portuguese Missionary Grammars, p. 178)Singing in Dzubucu‡The book includes two poems, ÒSpiritual CanticlesÓ, the first on the mystery of the incarnation of the Word of God, the other a song for Saint Francis, by the Capuchin friar Martin de Nantes, BernardoÕs predecessor, who labored in the Bahia mission from 1671 to 1688. These two songs Òare probably among the first examples of religious poetry sung in a native language other than Tup" in Brazil.Ó(Castagna)ÒDuring his Brazilian mission, Martin de Nantes preached the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, and the Credo in Portuguese but when he became proficient in the local language, [Martin] wrote an [unpublished] vocabulary, a catechism [possibly the text at the conclusion of this volume]Ê, and a ÔLife of SaintsÕ in Karir’ [unpublished] and possibly also a grammar which has disappeared. He often wrote about the importance of learning the languageÊof the tribes, since he reports that many Portuguese priests did not know the local languageÉ. His successor, Bernardo de Nantes, probably used the linguistic work of Martin when he published his ÔKatecismo IndicoÕ in 1709.Ó(Zwartjes, Portuguese Missionary Grammars, p. 178)Instructing the Karir’ in the mysteries of the faith.More than half the volume is dedicated to yet another text in Karir’, ÒMoral instructions in the form and practice of the mysteries of our holy faithÓ, an explanation of the Catechism, perhaps by Martin. Its chapters cover:ÊGod, the Creation, Fall of the Angels; Creation of Man, Man's Fall, and the coming of Christ; The Passion; Resurrection; Ascension; Last Judgment; Sacrament of Penance; and Sacrament of the Eucharist.Full contents: Katecismo (p. 1-151); Cantico espiritval sobre o mysterio da encarnaao do Verbo Divino, pelo padre Fr. Martinho de Nantes, Capuchinho (p. 152-161); Cantico espiritual a S. Francisco (p. 162-167); Instrucoens moraes em f—rma de praacticas sobre os principaes mysterios de nosa santa f (p. 168-363).Sabin 51749; Alden-L. 709/17; Innocencio I, 382, 302; Borba de Moraes. 102; Streit III, S. 447 f.; Rodrigues 1741; Bosch 162; 7 North America copies: NYPL, Catholic Univ., LC, Newberry, Indiana, Harvard, JCB, Austin.
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Anthologia magna, siue, Florilegium novum & absolutum, variorum maximeque rariorum germinum, florum ac plantarum, quas pulchritudo, fragrantia, vsus varietas, differentia commendat, & non tantum noster hic, sed & aduersus veteribusque ignotus orbis  foecundo suo procreat gremio: eicones elegantissim¾, summa cum diligentia ad vivum, quantum artifici manu per monochromata fieri potuit, ¾ri incis¾, & cum suis caulibus, scapis, folijs, flosculis, calyculis, bulbis, radicibusque ad natur¾ inuidiam anthophili spectatoris oculis exposit¾. Additis eorum proprijs, veris ac genuinis nominibus.

FLOWERS. GARDENING. BOTANY. Bry, Johann Theodor de (1561-1623?) De BryÕs Important Florilegium, complete with all 142 platesFolio:31.5 x 20 cm.6 lvs. (Engraved title page, booksellersÕ addresses to the beholder, preface (addressed to the Òflower-loving readerÓ), poem, 2-page description of Òsome exotic plantsÓ in this book), and 142 engraved plates (five folding) of plants as follows: 1-23, 1-37, 37 bis, 38-50, 50 bis, 51-110, 1 unnumbered plate (numbered Ò111Ó in ink), 112-116, 1 unnumbered plate. The plate 23 bound here in the first sequence is usually bound after plate 23 in the second sequence. Complete.FIRST EDITION, a greatly expanded version of the authorÕs ÒFlorilegium NovumÓ(ca. 1612).Bound in contemporary limp vellum, soiled and a bit rumpled. A fine copy internally, light edgewear to plates, some mild damp-stains, mostly marginal, to about 14 plates, edges of title finger-soiled. Provenance: inscriptions on title of Aegidius Carolomann Rys (1685) and the Dutch botanist and physician David van Royen (1749). David van Royen succeeded his uncle, Adriaan van Royen, as Director of the Leiden Botanic Gardens, where he greatly added to the collections. He had studied medicine at Leiden University, earning his degree in 1752, before being appointed professor of botany at Leiden in 1754. He retired in 1786. Van Royen was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1759. His major publications were ÔOratio de hortis publicisÕ (1754) and ÔNovae plantae SchwenkiaÕ (1766).This is a greatly expanded edition (with 55 additional plates) of the authorÕs ÒFlorilegium NovumÓ(ca. 1612), which had only 87 plates, all of which are included here.ÒJohann Theodor de Bry belonged to a noted family of engravers from Frankfurt. De BryÕs father, Theodor, a draughtsman, engraver and goldsmith, was born in Liege but eventually transferred to Frankfurt, where he set up a printing shop. De Bry and his brother Johann Israel, after learning the rudiments of their trade in these modest surroundings, went on to become two of the most talented and prolific engravers of their time.ÒAlthough De Bry was already a fully mature artist when he began engraving and printing his first book of flowers, he recognized that this genre presented a difficult challenge, for to imitate the endless variety of colors in nature was a task perhaps beyond the skill of even the greatest master. But as de Bry insisted in his dedication: ÔOf all the things which spring from this earth, flowers are the most beautiful for their grace and dignity, just as man surpasses every other living thing in dignity of body and soul.Õ Drawing on a recurring theme in the art and literature of the period, he further reflected that the flowerÕs fragility should serve as a reminder of the ephemeral nature of all worldly things, and bids us to think of the hereafter.ÒThe publishing history of this work is quite complex, owing perhaps to the fact that the engravers and printers were one and the same persons. The Jardin du Roy that Vallet had published just a few years earlier provided a useful model for de Bry, who did not hesitate to copy a number of images from it with only minor modifications Ð leaving out the butterflies and insects, for example, and adding roots and bulbs. The illustrations of the narcissus in plate 15, although arranged somewhat differently, were clearly drawn from ValletÕs work, while plate 28 shows a number of anemones adapted from it. Since the images were directly copied onto copper plates, when printed they appear as mirror images of the originals.ÒMany non-European plants appear in the ÔFlorilegium novumÕ, [and the ÔAnthologiaÕ] such as the ÔHyacintus PeruanusÕ, the ÔNarcissus Indicus flore rubro vulgo iacobeusÕ or Spekelia, and the ÒAnanas fructus Indicus OrientalisÕ. Other plates show examples of the floral ÔmonstrositiesÕ that were cultivated in Baroque gardens, among them the ÔAnemone Pavota latifolia multiplex flore miniatoÕ in plate 32, or two TurkÕs-cap lilies (Lilium martagon) Ð one with a deformed stem that bloomed on 20 July 1608 in the garden of Bernahart Barth von Harmatting in the city of Beyrn (plate 68), and the other that brought forth the anomalous blooms pictured here in the summer of 1613 in the garden of Jacobo de Fay in Frankfurt (plate 83).ÒThe unsurpassed artistry for which de Bry was renowned throughout Europe emerges clearly in the plates of this florilegium. Each has been carefully composed, and the confident lines of the engraving, with their fine shading, denote the hand of a true master.ÒThe first printed herbals date from the middle decades of the sixteenth century, while the first florilegia began to appear around 1600. The herbals compiled by the great botanists of the sixteenth century were conceived as scientific texts in the modern senseÉ The florilegia were intended for quite a different audience, less specialized but more refined in its taste, composed of collectors and amateurs fleuristes. Flowers that had been valued only for their medicinal properties or symbolic associations finally came to be appreciated for their own sake, that is, appreciated on purely aesthetic grounds.ÒDuring the first half of the seventeenth century, many wealthy aristocrats began to collect rare natural curiosities Ð not only minerals, bones, stuffed fish and birds, which they proudly displayed in the Wunderkammern, but also unusual flowers, which they considered ÔmiraclesÕ of nature and which they cultivated in order to impress visitors to their vast pleasure gardens. This mania for collecting was fed by the arrival (beginning in the last decades of the sixteenth century) of large numbers of new species from the Balkan peninsula, the Near and Far East and the New World, a phenomenon that was destined to transform the floral panorama of central and Mediterranean Europe. These hitherto unknown plants quickly became fashionable items, avidly sought after by every collector. The bulbous plants in particular, such as the iris, the narcissus, the scarlet lily, the fritillary (called the
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Vergilius cum commentariis.

Virgilius Maro, Publius (70-19 B.C.) The Exceptionally Rare First Illustrated Giunta VirgilFolio:30 x 21.5 cm.aa8, a-o8, p6, q4, A-Z8, Aa-Gg8, Hh10, aaa-fff8 (with final blank)FIRST ILLUSTRATED GIUNTA EDITION.With 178 woodcuts copied closely from those in the 1502 GrŸninger edition. Bound in an attractive 17th century pigskin (corners bumped), tooled and ruled in blind, citron label, gilt, on spine; with the stamped arms of Maximillianus Erasmus, Baron Hackelperg, on both boards. A very fine, crisp copy of this exceptionally rare and important edition, with minor faults: top margin of title snipped away, affecting headline on verso, a few pinprick wormholes to the opening signatures (one or two continuing, almost imperceptibly, to folio 50) and again at the end. Adhesion scar (about an inch wide), with slight loss of text, on facing lvs. I5v-I6r. A few ink spots (lvs. e7, A7-8, B2, D7-8), a few lvs. (sig. l) with light marginal dampstain, scattered marginal soiling. Aside from those minor blemishes, the contents are bright and fresh, edges stained blue. Title in red and black. In addition to the fine woodcuts, there are numerous woodcut initials.The important and extremely rare first illustrated Giunta edition (The 1515 edition cited by Esling (Pt. I, Vol. I, p 75, n. 1), who could not locate a copy, and Mambelli who describes its title page, is now considered a ghost.) The woodcuts are close copies of those in the 1502 GrŸninger edition. This is the only Giunta edition to contain this entire suite of illustrations.Panzer VIII.456 (981); Renouard, XXIII (64); Heyne, IV.687-8; Schweiger, II.1157; Ebert, Juntine Venice 78; Graesse VII 336; Essling I 65-75 (61, with 4 plates); Renouard Asc. III 372-73 (12); Kapp 25; Sander 7661; Mambelli, 138; Weber 53; Camerini 182-183 (220); BMC 833.i.22; Fagiolo 12 (15); Leoncini, 32
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Emblemata of zinne-werck: voorghestelt, in beelden, ghedichten, en breeder uijt-legginghen, tot uijt-druckinghe, en verbeteringhe van verscheijden feijlen onser eeuwe. Den tweeden druck met nieuwe plaeten en eenige zedespreucken vermeerdert

Brune, Johan de (1588-1658), author; Van de Venne, Adriaen (1589-1662), artist. ÒNo greater flaw than in those who are crazy for womenÓQuarto:23 x 17.5 cm.[8], 378 [i.e. 380] pages. Collation: *4, A-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa4, Bbb2THIRD EDITION (1st ed. 1624)Bound in contemporary Dutch vellum (soiled, abrasion to lower edge). Printed on thick paper. A broad-margined copy, very clean, with just the slightest bit of marginal soiling to title and a few leaves, tiny rust hole to leaf C4 and Ee3, and ¥3 and Ii1 dusty at head. A very nice copy of this attractive emblem book.The text is illustrated with 52 copperplate engravings by Christof Le Blon (d. 1665), Johann Gelle (d. 1625), Willem van de Passe (1598-1637), Albert Poel (active 1624), and Jan Gerrits Swelinck (b. ca. 1601), all after Adriaen van de Venne (1589-1662). Each emblem consists of a motto, pictura, and epigram, followed by an extensive prose ÔexplanationsÕ or ÔelaborationsÕ. Praz notes that Brune, like Cats, Òtook inspiration from proverbs and everyday life; his realistic emblems form a counterpart to genre painting and supply interesting evidence for the history of costume.Ó(Praz, Studies in 17th-cent. imagery, p. 86) Among the more unusual emblems is one showing a pretzel being pulled by two hands (each using one finger only), a symbol of transient life and of spiritually twisted man who occupies a position between God and the devil. Another shows a rotting cheese wheel with maggots and the motto ÒToo much sharpness will maimÓ.BruneÕs ÒEmblemataÓ were first published in 1624. A Òsecond editionÓ of 1636 was actually a re-issue of the sheets of the first edition with some additions at the beginning and end, most notably a 52nd engraving and an appendix of 52 moral proverbs (zedespreucken). This third edition, the work of two Amsterdam publishers, Jan Jacobszoon Schipper (publisher of Jacob CatsÕ works) and Abraham Latham, is based closely on the 1636 issue and is therefore considered the ÒtrueÓ second edition (see Adams and van der Wei. p. 112). Although Schipper and Latham cooperated on this edition, they had separate title pages, SchipperÕs with the date 1661, LathamÕs with no date. For some time bibliographers dated LathamÕs copies to 1688 but itÕs true date was proven in 1988.ÒIn modern studies the emblem book of Johan de Brune is usually described as one of the finest examples of Dutch emblem literature. This flattering qualification is mainly due to the pictures, designed by Adriaen van de Venne (famous for illustrating the works of Jacob Cats), which are generally regarded to be of outstanding quality. Not only the pictures, however, deserve our attention. An extensive prose commentary follows each emblem. In these prose commentaries we see De BruneÕs quality as a writer. He writes in a personal, vivid but learned style, creating a dialogue between himself and his readersÉAn idea of BruneÕs intended audience and his idea of how emblems function can be gleaned from his dedication to Steven Tenijs. ÒThe dedication begins with a description of Ôa good man, burgher, and Christian.Õ A good man knows how to compromise between being too strict and too lax. Virtue does not express itself in severity, but in sincerity and openheartedness. De Brune also regards his ÔEmblemataÕ in this way: as a combination of outer beauty and inner virtue, of learning and amusement. His ideal reader is someone who represents this ideal of the Ôaurea mediocritasÕ, the golden mean. With his description of the good man, De Brune seems to give a portrayal of his intended readerÉÒDe Brune treats a diversity of subjects in his ÔEmblemataÕ, ranging from the cleansing effects of tears to the virtue of being grateful, taking his examples from the fermentation of cheese and wine to the newly invented spyglass. Often these are subjects that could appeal to men and women in the same way. But when sexual morality is involved, seventeenth-century ethics show a different approach for men and women. In the ÔEmblemataÕ we read that women are not supposed to take the initiative in matters of love; a woman who does is portrayed as a sinful temptress. A man can and even should take the initiative, but, on the other hand, he should beware not to get carried away and lose his head in adoration of the woman, who is certainly not worth all his praise. De Brune is not unlike most of his contemporaries in his point of view when it comes to sexual morality. His view of women as inferior to men does not in itself imply anything about his readership; he could just as well write didactic texts about sexual morality for women as for men. But the content of his lessons would differ according to his intended readers. For women, the lesson would be to be chaste and obedient; for men, that they have to be careful and self-controlled, and shoulder their responsibilities.ÒWhen De Brune writes about the role of the woman, he never does so in the form of advice. The women are usually described as negative examples, but the descriptions are not aimed at improvement; women are not urged to change their behaviour to a better way of life. When men are described, the text usually does involve a lesson or advice. This can be illustrated with two emblems mainly dealing with courtship and marriage.ÒThe first of these, Emblem 35 shows a man pushing a woman on a swing. The motto of this emblem is ÔHaest u langhsaem' ('Hasten slowly', the Dutch equivalent of festina lente). The verse starts with a comparison of the woman with a swing; then De Brune turns to the man who is courting her. ÔIt is truly a swing, on which you are sitting here,Now with a humble and meek heart, then again very proud,Now willing, then not; now behind, then ahead;Now needing a bridle, then a spur.When you, young man, push her, you see her fly away from you,And do not push her too much, or she would deceive your hope.Your words not too saucy, (but) artful and with measure,And if you love, love coolly, or indeed not too hot.ÕÒIn the first part of the verse De Brune compares the woman to a swing: like a swing she
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Monstrorum historia

Aldrovandi, Ulisse (1522-1605); Ambrosini, Bartolomeo (1588-1657) AldrovandiÕs Natural History of Monsters - The First Treatise on TeratologyLarge Folio:35 x 23.5 cm.Two volumes in one: I. 4 (including engraved t.p.), A-Z6, Aa-Zz6, Aaa-Ppp6, Qqq8, Rrr6, Sss8; II. A-O6 (final signature O has 5 leaves, as in all copies examined. See note at end of description.)FIRST EDITION.Bound in 18th c. calf, spine tooled in gold, minor wear, corners bumped. Internally a fine copy with occasional light toning to leaves, and minor blemishes. The only prominent blemish is a water stain to a single bifolium in the Paralipomena (A1/8). With an engraved t.p by G.B. Coriolano. trimmed ever so slightly at head and fore-edge, as often. Profusely illustrated with 477 woodcuts, many full-page, of ÒmonstersÓ and deformities both human and animal.AldrovandiÕs ÒMonstrorum historiaÓ was the first treatise on teratology, the study of deformities, monstrosities, and prodigies. The subjects are drawn from across the spectrum of the natural world, from animals and plants to minerals and monstra (portents such as comets and atmospheric phenomena). Some of the specimens were physically kept in AldrovandiÕs renowned museum and gardens in Bologna, others were represented in his collections by paintings, engravings, and written accounts. The second volume, ÒParalipomenaÓ(Things omitted), was written by Bartolomeo Ambrosini, custodian of AldrovandiÕs collections from 1632 to 1657.The work includes many ÒfabulousÓ specimens, including ÒcounterfeitsÓ, but also a wealth of genuine material of interest to historians of medicine, including accounts and illustrations of 17th century individuals with physical deformities, such as Aegisthus, who visited Bologna from India in 1592-93 and seemed to suffer from a type of neurofibromatosis; the enslaved Pedro Gonzales, who suffered from hypertrichosis, a condition that he passed on to several of his children; and the famous ÒdwarfÓ Sebastiano Biavati, who guided visitors through AldrovandiÕs collections, and his sister Angelica. There are also elements of American interest, specifically the full-page images of a ÒWild man from the New World with a feathered headdress worn in warÓ, believed to be a Tupinamb‡ man of Brazil, and a ÒQueen from the Island of Florida.ÓÒAldrovandiÕs museum was Ôa collection of plants, animals, and subterranean thingsÕ that grew to become the most extensive collection of its kind in sixteenth-century Europe. It was in large part a result of having access to such a vast and varied collection that Aldrovandi was able to study aspects of what today would include botany, teratology, embryology, ichthyology, and ornithology. His reputation was such that he came to be referred to by his contemporaries as a Ôsecond PlinyÕ or the ÔBolognese Aristotle.Õ" (Daston and Park 1998:154)Aldrovandi conceived of illustrations as an indispensable part of his work: "By the means of these pictures together with the histories, scholars can gain a full knowledge of what [the plants and animals] were according to the ancients. And one cannot imagine anything more useful; if the ancients had drawn and painted all of the things that they described, one would not find so many doubts and endless errors among writers.Ó (Aldrovandi, ÔDiscorsoÕ)Garrison-Morton 534.53; Krivatsy 187; Wellcome I, 172; Goldschmid 43; Alden and Landis 642/2; Nissen, ZBI 74.R. As regards the 5-leaf final signature O in the ÒParalipomenaÓ, I have left the quire as ÒO6Ó in my collation since it is unclear if there was a cancelland leaf O5, or if final O6 was a blank. Either way, the final quire is consistent with all copies examined.
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C. Iulii Caesaris Rerum Ab Se Gestarum Commentarii. De bello Gallico libri VIII. De bello Civili Pompeiano libri III. De bello Alexandrino liber I. De bello Africo liber I. De bello Hispaniensi liber I. Omnia collatis vetustis exemplaribus tam scriptis quam impressis accurate emendata. Pictura totius Galliae, Pontis in Rheno, Avarici, Alexiae, Uxelloduni, Massiliae, per Iucundum Veronensem, ex descriptione Caesaris. Veterum Galliae locorum, populorum, urbium, montium, ac fluviorum brevis descriptio. Eutropii epitome belli Gallici ex Suetoniii Tranquilli monumentis quae desiderantur.

Caesar, Gaius Julius (100-44 B.C.) VascosanÕs Caesar Ð A Superb ProductionFolio:35 x 24 cm.[12], 128, [20] lvs. Collation: a8, A4, A-V6, X8, A8, Aa-Bb6FIRST VASCOSAN EDITION.Bound in contemporary calf, ruled and tooled in gold, spine with ornate ornamental tooling, also gilt. Nicely rebacked with the majority of the original spine preserved. Corners bumped, minor abrasions. Internally an extremely fine copy, very fresh. Tiny spot on F4 and H3, v. light stain to upper margin of index, far from text. 5 woodcut illustrations, and attractive, large initials, a.e.g.Michel de Vascosan had an unusually long career as a printer, publishing books in Paris from 1532 to 1577. He published numerous editions of Greek and Latin authors as well as works by the great humanists (BudŽ, Scaliger, Vignere), and his influence on French vernacular printing was profound. VascosanÕs edition is one of the very few folio editions of Caesar printed in the 16th century. It is a handsome book, with the introductory matter and indices set in an attractive italic, and the text set in an elegant Roman type, adorned with large decorative initials by Oronce FinŽ. The book is illustrated with woodcut maps of Hispania and Gaul, and five woodcuts showing: the bridge constructed over the Rhine by Caesar in 55, the defenses of Bourges (sacked by Caesar in 52), the city and defenses of Alesia (where Vercingetorix capitulated in 52) the fortress of Uxellodunum, and Marseille, (beseiged by Caesar in 49 during the civil war with Pompey).This edition contains Caesar's extant works: the ÒCommentarii de Bello GallicoÓ, CaesarÕs account of his campaigns in Gaul, covering the period from 58 to 52 B.C., and the ÒDe Bello CiviliÓ, covering the events of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey in 49 and 48 B.C. Also included are Book VIII of the "Bellum Gallicum" and the "Bellum Alexandrinum", both attributed to Caesar's lieutenant Aulus Hirtius, Eutropius' epitome of the "Bellum GallicumÓ, and the Òde Bello AfricanoÓ, of uncertain authorship. The prefatory matter concludes with an index by Marliani.ÒThe unadorned style of CaesarÕs Commentarii, the rejection of rhetorical embellishments characteristic of true historia, the notable reduction of evaluative language- all contribute to the apparent objective, impassive tone of CaesarÕs narration. Beneath this impassivity, however, modern criticism has discovered, so it believes, tendentious interpretations and distortions of the events for the purpose of political propaganda.Ó (Gian Biagio ConteÕs "Latin Literature, A History")This copy is bound with:Emili, Paolo (ca. 1445-1529) De rebus gestis Francorum libri decem. Additum est de regibus item Francorum chronicon (by J. Du Tillet).Paris: Michael Vascosan, 1544Fol. [4] 244, 28, [20] lvs. Collation: a4, A-Z8, Aa-Ff8, Gg-Hh6; A-B6, C-D8, A6, B6, C8The Italian humanist Paolo Emili was invited by Charles VII to write a history of France. The first edition appeared in 1539, printed by Vascosan. The period under consideration embraces over a millennium, from 420 to the end of the fifteenth century: a millennium of extraordinary importance not only in the history of France but of the whole of Europe and, crucially, the WestÕs confrontations with the powers of the East. The events of the fifteenth century, in particular, are covered in great detail.I. Adams C 35; Ebert 3260; Graesse II, 6; Mortimer 124. II. IA 100.825; Adams A 234
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Late 18th century manuscript of culinary recipes and medicinal remedies, on paper, with 19th century additions.

CULINARY RECIPES. ÒTake a Mole & burn it alive or when it is newly dead toast itÓ Recipes & Remedies: An 18th c. English Culinary ManuscriptQuarto:20 x 17 cm.54 p. with text, and numerous blank leavesMANUSCRIPT.Bound in contemporary full vellum, small hole to spine. Paper with Britannia watermark. Text to both ends (approximately 54 pages in total), several later, loosely inserted recipes.This manuscript is written in at least three different hands. The sole date is to be found in the entry for ÒAn excellent receipt for the Epilepsy communicated to the Duchess of Atholl by Thos Aytone Minister of Aylith 1734 & by her given to me 1745Ó. The book was continued into the early 19th century. There are also a number of recipes on other pieces of paper tucked into the volume, including one from the 19th c., still in its envelope addressed to ÒMiss Edwards, Leighton HallÓ that includes a ÒWash for wall treesÓ that Òprevents insects, blister, and mildew, and causes a fine, dark, healthy foliageÓ and includes tobacco in the recipe.There are 64 recipes (some attributed e.g. ÒMrs. Dean ReadingÓ ÒLady LawleyÕs ReceiptÓ) on 42 pages written at one end. These include: ÒTo make blamangeÓ; ÒTo Make Black puddingsÓ; ÒTo Candy Cowslips or orange flowersÓ; ÒTo Make the Duke of Norfolk punchÓ, etc. A recipe for ÒTo Make a Green Goose pyeÓ, is quite simple but ÒTo make SausagesÓ is a rich recipe which includes spices and oysters, and Òwhen you use them fry them in fresh Butter.Ó The recipes give clear, thorough directions as if instructing somebody else rather than reminding themselves e.g. in ÒMilk Punch very goodÓ the reader is instructed to Òtake care the bag is not jogled it will make it run thick at any rate it will be so at first therefore you must put it back softly into the bag & not break the cream. you may put in some raspberrys mashed which gives it a pretty colour .Ó and in ÒTo Make Spunge biscuitÓ Ò. beat it till it is so hot that you Cant hold your finger in it then take it off the fire and beat it till it is almost Cold .Ó As is often the case, household medicinal remedies are written at the opposite end of the volume. A handy table of measures and conversions is provided (Inch, Palm, Span, etc). As with the recipes, the remedies are clear and attentively guided. A key system in which, (ÒParticular good receipts have this mark o, those marked thus * are the french Apothecaries weight.Ó) while carefully planned, was never instituted. There are 15 medicinal remedies on 12 pages including: ÒRhubarb Beer for ChildrenÓ; ÒStrengthening BrothÓ; ÒAn Electuary for a habitual loosenessÓ; ÒAn excellent receipt for the Epilepsy communicated to the Duchess of Atholl by Thos Aytone Minister of Aylith 1734 & by her given to me 1745Ó. In this dubious remedy you must ÒTake a Mole & burn it alive or when it is newly dead toast it at the fire till it be quite crisp so as to beat to powder.Ó
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Vita beati patris Ignatii Loyol¾ religionis Societatis Iesv fvndatoris / ad vivvm expressa ex ea qvam P. Petrvs Rebadeneyra [.] olim scripsit; deinde Madriti pingi, postea in ¾s incidi et nvnc demvm typis excvdi cvravit.

IGNATIUS OF LOYOLA, SAINT (1491-1556)]; Ribadeneira, Pedro de (1526-1611), various artists An Engraved ÒLifeÓ of Ignatius of Loyola - With a plate showing Ignatius performing miracles.Album:26.8 x 19 cm. (Plate size approx. 18.5 x 13.5 cm.)[16] leaves consisting of an engraved title page and fifteen engraved plates numbered 1 to 15. Complete.Bound in modern marbled boards. A broad-margined set on thin paper, mild marginal soiling, light stain to map, a few short, discreetly repaired tears to margins (far from the images), trivial stains. Overall very well preserved and complete. Very rare.An engraved suite of the life and miracles of Ignatius of Loyola, produced shortly after IgnatiusÕ beatification in 1609 and meant to advance his canonization. The plates depict scenes from the life of Ignatius as described in Pedro RibadeneiraÕs Life of Loyola, with engraved captions describing the scenes. These are reduced copies of the Antwerp series produced in Theodoor GalleÕs workshop in 1610. They reproduce the work of the artists Cornelis Galle (1576-1650) [title, plates 2, 5, 10]; Theodoor Galle (1571-1633) [plates 1 and 6]; Adriaan Collaert (1560-1618) [3,7,9,14]; Jean Collaert (1560-1618) [15]; and Karel van Mallery (1571-1635) [4,8,11,13]. Plate 12 is unattributed.ÒIn about 1600 Pedro de Ribadeneira, author of the most widespread early biographies of Ignatius of Loyola, commissioned a series of sixteen large paintings illustrating the life of the founder of the Jesuit Order for the Jesuit house in Madrid. A few years later, as the campaign for beatification and canonization of Ignatius gained momentum, he had prints made after these paintings, which were published in Antwerp in 1610. Although the original paintings by Juan Mesa are lostÉ seven drawings for these prints have been identified in the Hermitage Museum in Saint PetersburgÉÒIgnatius was beatified in 1609, then canonized in 1622, marking the culmination of a campaign that started in the 1580s, in which written and illustrated lives played a key role. Most important of the written biographies were those compiled by Pedro de Ribadeneira (Ribadeynera; 1527Ð1611), a Spanish Jesuit who had known Ignatius personally. His first short biography of the future saint appeared in 1567 and was followed by expanded versions in Latin, Spanish, Italian, French and Dutch. In 1601 he described a range of IgnatiusÕ miracles Ð a central requirement for beatification Ð in an addendum to his lives of the saints, the Flos Sanctorum. And from a life of de Ribadeneira himself, written the year after his death, we learn that in around 1600 he commissioned sixteen large paintings illustrating IgnatiusÕ life for the Jesuit house in Madrid. The artist was Juan de Mesa, whose name is not recorded in catalogues of private collections in Madrid and of whom little is known save that he worked extensively for the Society of Jesus between 1596 and his death in 1614.ÒAs RibadeneiraÕs biography noted, he then commissioned engraved copies of MesaÕs paintings Ôfrom the best printmaking workshop in FlandersÕ. The result was the ÔVita beati patris Ignatii LoyolaeÕ, published in Antwerp in 1610, a year after the beatification of Ignatius and a year before the authorÕs death.Ó(Phillips, Between Madrid and Antwerp, The Life of Ignatius of Loyola, Antwerp 1610, in ÔIn Monte ArtiumÕ, 11, (2018), p. 47, 49-50)ÒThe print series fully accords with the stated intention of RibadeneiraÕs ÔVitaÕ, which is, as he avows in the prologue, to set Ignatius before the readerÕs eyesÉ Like the textual ÔVitaÕÉ. the engraved ÔVitaÕ also reveals interior things about Ignatius, hidden aspects of him that Ribadeneira has likewise discerned. The pictorial life achieves this aim by bringing to light facets of his interior life, especially his powers of spiritual vision.Ó(Melion, ÒVarieties of the Spiritual Image in Theodoor GalleÕs ÔLife of Blessed Father Ignatius of LoyolaÕ of 1610Ó in Religion and the Senses in Early Modern Europe, p. 74)The engraved title page features a portrait of Ignatius. Plate 15 depicts nine scenes of miracles performed Ignatius of Loyola, with captions. Because many of the plates show multiple scenes (each identified by a capital letter), they illustrate 43 episodes from IgnatiusÕs life, plus the 9 miracle scenes. Plate 12 is the ÒRoma IgnazianaÓ map, a view of the city of Rome with the principal buildings of the Society of Jesus.ÒThe ÔRoma IgnazianaÕ map shows the dramatic impact of the Society of Jesus on the Roman urban landscape during the SocietyÕs first seventy years of existence. The engraving superimposes the principal Jesuit installations directly onto the 1575 plan of Braun, Novellanus, and Hogenberg, which itself derived from the 1555 plan of Ugo Pinard. The erroneous placement of some of the installations (e.g. S. Caterina dei Funari, the Roman Seminary, and the house of catechumens) suggests that the engraver was probably working in Antwerp from second-hand information. The title of the plan, ÔDomus ac pietatis opera quae B. P. Ignatius Romae facienda curavit, quaeq. Societas suae curae commisa habetÕ is significant, for it gathers together under the rubric of works of mercy (pietatis opera) all of the works of the first generations of Jesuit labor in Rome. Education was seen as work of charity no less than work with reformed prostitutes, catechumens, or orphans.Ó(Lucas)Collaert Dynasty, Vol. 17, pt. 4, p. 176; De Backer-Sommervogel VI, 1730-31; For the map of Rome see Lucas, ÒSaint, Site and Sacred Strategy: Ignatius, Rome and Jesuit Urbanism, No. 71
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Apologia pro caena Dominica

Ascham, Roger (1514/15-1568) One of the earliest Eucharistic tracts of the Edwardine ReformationOctavo:14 x 9.5 cm.¦8, a-s8, T4FIRST EDITION.19th c. calf, single gilt filet framing the boards, hinges discreetly repaired, gilt spine, label chipped, edges worn. Fine copy with the initial leaf with signature mark and blank ¦8 both present. Marginal worm-trail to blank lower margin in middle signatures, not affecting text. Title with decorative border, woodcut of Robert Dudley, Earl LeicesterÕs emblem (the muzzled bear) inscribed with the Garter motto on leaf ¦3. Woodcut initials, diagram of divisions of the Mass, some passages in Greek. Rare. 7 institutional holdings in North America. Provenance: bookplates of George Stokes, Cardiff Castle, and Robert Pirie.One of the greatest of the Tudor humanists, Ascham was favored by Henry VIII, to whom he dedicated his ÒToxophilusÓ, tutor to the princess Elizabeth, and author of a masterpiece of English pedagogy, ÒThe ScholemasterÓ. Ascham also tutored the boy king Edward VI in the art of elegant handwriting, and Edward thought of him fondly, and so it is of interest that Ascham wrote this ÒreformedÓ work while Edward was being groomed by his close advisors to be a thoroughly Protestant monarch.Roger Ascham (1515/16-1568) penned his ÔApologia pro Caena Dominica contra Missam & eius PraestigiasÕ (ÔA Defense of the LordÕs Supper against the Mass and its MagicÕ) at Cambridge in 1547/8 during the first year of Edward VIÕs reign. It was published in AschamÕs name some thirty years later (and about ten years after AschamÕs death) in 1577/8, together with his dedicatory preface to Robert Dudley and his other theological pieces, which are also in Latin.ÒThe ÔApologiaÕ takes the form of a written speech set in Cambridge University and was almost certainly assembled pursuant to a series of theological disputations concerning the nature of the Eucharist held there during 1547. The essential thrust of the tract comprises a bold attack on the Mass, the sacrifice and the massing priests. In place of the Mass, Ascham demands the restoration of a purified and scripturally faithful LordÕs Supper in which everyone can participate in a more meaningful way. The Decalogue forms the basic structure of the work and arguments are marshalled under separate commandments. Like many reforming tracts of the time, Biblical and patristic citations underpin his argument at every juncture, and the tract is emphatic in its abhorrence of human doctrine. More unusual perhaps is the philological attention Ascham pays to particular words and phrases and, as part of this, Ascham places considerable reliance on the original Greek of the New Testament. Also noteworthy is the angry anti-sacerdotalism on display throughout the work; Ascham targeted priests in a systematic and sustained way, mercilessly parodying them and directing much of his scriptural philology against them. Whist Luther emerges as an important influence, an evident responsiveness to other reformers challenges the historiographical tendency to oversimplify the Reformation through confessional categorization.ÒAschamÕs ÔApologiaÕ, though thoroughly evangelical in outlook and subject to a range of influences, was at the same time highly independent in approach and emblematic of the diversity within early ProtestantismÉ It constitutes one of the earliest Eucharistic tracts of the Edwardine Reformation, and its timing and intellectual origins in the University demand that we take the work seriously. Indeed, at points this Cantabrigian tract seemed to be running ahead of a government usually credited with being at the forefront of reform. Finally, the ÔApologiaÕs status as a Latin text also situates it within a wider European framework of neo-Latin religious writing. This backdrop of international exchanges that were so formative in the development of early English Protestantism is very much in evidence in the tract, and further helps to confirm Ascham as one of the chief connecting links between England and the Continent.Ó(Nicholls, ÒRoger AschamÕs Defence of the LordÕs Supper, p. 1 ff.)ESTC S100257; STC 825
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The compleat herbal of physical plants. Containing all such English and foreign herbs, shrubs and trees, as are used in physick and surgery. And to the virtues of those that are now in use, is added one receipt, or more, of some learned physician. The doses or quantities of such as are prescribed by the London-physicians, and others, are proportioned. Also directions for making compound-waters, syrups simple and compound, electuaries, pills, powders, and other sorts of medicines. Moreover, the gums, balsams, oyls, juices, and the like, which are sold by apothecaries and druggists, are added to this herbal; and their virtues and uses are fully described. By John Pechey, of the College of Physicians, in London.

MEDICINE. HERBALS. Pechey, John (bap. 1654, d. 1716) Coffee & Tobacco, Syphilis & HysteriaOctavo:16 x 9.7 cm.[8], 349, [35] p. Collation: A4, B-Z8, Aa-Bb8FIRST EDITION.A nice copy in contemporary speckled calf, corners bumped with slight loss, hinges starting at head and foot, scrape to upper board. Very clean and crisp internally.First edition of this unillustrated book of English herbal remedies by the Oxford-educated physician John Pechey, the elder son of William Pechey (d. 1702), a practitioner of physic and surgery. The book is divided into two parts, the first concerning native English plants, the second ÒExotick or foreignÓ plants. The book also includes a glossary for medical terms (for the lay reader) and concludes with an index of diseases. Pechey gives the medicinal uses for each plant and instructions for preparing drugs. Some of these drugs Pechey prepared himself and sold in the form of pills. An advertisement for those is found on the final leaf of text.Among the New World plants described are Balsam of Peru, Brazilwood, Guaiacum (with a long discussion of its use in treating syphilis), Jalapa, Michoacana, potatoes, Virginia Snakeweed, Tobacco, and ÒJesuitÕs BarkÓ (Quinine.)A number of the medicines described pertain to pregnancy and childbirth, including drugs to hasten delivery and, in tragic cases, to force the expulsion of the dead child from the womb. There is also a remedy for Òsuffocation of the wombÓ (i.e. hysteria).PecheyÕs career:ÒAn undated handbill of his, perhaps from the mid-1680s, advertised PecheyÕs move from 'Chequer-yard, near Dowgate, to Queen Street, near Cheapside', London, where he could be seen every day from nine to one o'clock, charging no more than 1s., and offering free advice to the poor of his parish. From mid-October to mid-December 1684 he took the three-part examination of the Royal College of Physicians, and was awarded its licentiate on 22 December.ÒOn 12 August 1687 he signed a contract joining with four other licentiates of the college in a five-year lease on a property known as the Golden Angel and Crown in King's Street, London (the 'repository'), where they collected a stock of drugs and saw patients by turns. At the same time, each continued his private practice. They advertised by distributing handbills and by printing the jointly authored ÔOracle for the SickÕ (1687), which contained a series of medical questions with answers: the patient could circle or fill in the appropriate answers, send in the pamphlet, and get a diagnosis and medicines in the return post. Pechey also circulated handbills saying that 'the sick may have advice for nothing. And approved medicines at reasonable rates', and giving his address as the Angel and Crown in King's Street. When the lease on the repository practice ran out, about September 1692, Pechey moved to the Angel and Crown in Basing Lane, from where he circulated advertisements for pills to cure the French pox and scurvy: the pills could be taken at any time and 'hinder no business'. He also advertised in the ÔAthenian MercuryÕ in November 1693, and probably in other papers as well.ÒFrom the start the censors of the Royal College of Physicians disliked the repository practice and its members, and from 15 November 1688 Pechey was personally named as needing to be disciplined for his advertising. The censors first warned him; when he continued to publish his announcements and refused to take down the sign over his door advertising his practice, he was fined £4. In the legal confusion following the revolution of 1688 Pechey simply refused to pay the fine. But from January 1690 to February 1694 Pechey and the censors engaged in battles, sometimes in court, over his behaviour, and unpaid dues and fines. His battles led to new attempts to discipline the members of the college generally.ÒAbout the time that Pechey had joined the college, he had begun to translate some of Thomas Sydenham's works into English. Since Sydenham, too, held the rank of licentiate, Pechey probably met him no later than 1684, during the process of joining the college. It is probable that Pechey had the tacit support of Sydenham in publishing, in the autumn of 1686, the first part of his ÔCollections of Acute DiseasesÕ, which translated Sydenham's work on smallpox and measles. The next two parts (1688) and parts four and five (1691) were also mainly translations from Sydenham.ÒPechey quickly followed with ÔPromptuarium praxeos medicaeÕ (1693), with chapters on diseases and their cures listed alphabetically; ÔThe London DispensatoryÕ (1694), a guide to useful medicines; and ÔThe Compleat Herbal of Physical PlantsÕ (1694), which contained directions for using simples and for making compounds. In these works, published during his disputes with the officers of the college, Pechey made plain his advocacy of clinical experience. In the preface to ÔThe London DispensatoryÕ, he lambasted 'the vain fictions of a sort of men, whose business it is, to make every part of [medicine] obscure and misterious'; in ÔThe Store-House of Physical PracticeÕ (a rearranged translation of his ÔPromptuariumÕ, brought out in early 1695), he wrote that 'plain Practice must expect but cold Entertainment with the speculative Physician', and that 'Reason and Argument are not the true Tests of Physick, nor indeed of anything else, when Experience, the great Baffler of Speculation, can determine the Matter'. Almost all Pechey's works ended with an advertisement for his pills.Ó(ODNB)ISTC R19033; Wing (CD-Rom, 1996), P1021
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Lucubrationes, ab innumeris mendis repurgatae. Utopiae libri II. Progymnasmata. Epigrammata. Ex Lucinao conversa quaedam. Declamatio Lucianicae respondens. Epistolae. Quibus additae sunt duae aliorum Epistolae, de vita, moribus & morte Mori.

More, Thomas, Saint (1478-1535) An Excellent CopyOctavo:17 x 10.1 cm.[16] ff. 530 pp. [23] ff. Collation: alpha-beta 8, a-z8, A-N8FIRST COLLECTED EDITION.With the woodcut illustration of the island of Utopia. A truly excellent copy, fresh and bright in its original limp vellum binding.First edition of the collected Latin works of Sir Thomas More, of which the most important is the ÒUtopiaÓ illustrated with a full-page woodcut map.Among the letters published here for the first time is the famous one to Martin Dorpius in which More defends Erasmus' translation of the New Testament from the Greek, rather than the accepted Latin, thus clearly siding with the enlightened "new learning". It also contains a letter from Erasmus to Hutten which contains details of More's physical appearance."Utopia" begins with More's encounter with Raphael Hythloday (whose name means Ôteller of tall talesÕ), a traveller who has just returned from voyages with Amerigo Vespucci. Hythloday tells More of a distant island called Utopia, where all property is held in common ownership, where six hours a day are devoted to work and the rest to recreation, where gold and silver are used not as currency but as the material for making shackles and chamber pots, and slaves (criminals and prisoners of war) are treated fairly. In its geography and topography, the island bears a striking resemblance to England.Provenance: Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun (1653?-1716), with his signature on lower inside cover, possibly also his monogram on title-page? According to Willems this book is listed in the definitive catalogue, Saltoun-papers MS. 17863, on p. 120. Starting in around 1675 Fletcher assembled over 6000 books over a 40 year period. As a true humanist he collected in many areas, he was also an indefatigable traveller and spent half his life abroad and frequented bookshops whenever possible. A library was built for the collection at Saltoun by his descendants in 1769 and there the collection remained until some were sold in the 1940s and the bulk in the 1960s.Gibson 74. Adams M1752. VD 16 M6302. See P.J.M. Willems, Bibliotheca Fletcheriana, the extraordinary library of Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, reconstructed and systematically arranged (1999).
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The Scholemaster or plaine and perfite way of teaching children, to vnderstand, write, and speake, the Latin tong, but specially purposed for the priuate bringing vp of youth in Ientlemen and Noble mens houses, and commodious also for all such, as haue forgot the Latin tonge, and would, by them selves, without a Scholemaster, in short time, and with small paines, recover a sufficient habilitie, to understand, write, and speake Latin. By Roger Ascham. An. 1571.

Ascham, Roger (1514/15-1568) ÒThe indispensable link between the earlier Tudor writers and the great Elizabethan and Jacobean writers of English proseÓ (Ryan, 292)Quarto:18.4 x 14 cm.[manicule]2, B-T4THIRD EDITION (first 1570) of Ascham's masterpiece.John DayÕs device appears on the final leaf. A fine, fresh copy in 18th c. calf, rebacked, edges dyed yellow. 16th c. motto ÒMersye Grace and PeaceÓ and signature (illegible) on first leaf and penultimate leaf.The Cambridge-educated Ascham, one of the best known of the English humanists, produced two works that had a great influence on the use of English as a literary language as well as on the education of children and the conduct of English gentlemen. The first of these was his ÒToxophilusÓ (1545), dedicated to Henry VIII, in which he set forth both the dictum that physical exercise is an indispensable part of a gentlemanÕs education, and set a new model for English prose style. In the second, ÒThe ScholemasterÓ, Ascham set forth his pedagogical method- a system that he had perfected while tutoring the Princess Elizabeth- and established a philosophy of education as well as a code of ethical and moral behavior; in short, a philosophy of living. ÒBetween 1563 and the date of his death Ascham found some relief from his cares in the composition of his ÒScholemasterÓ. In 1563, the year of the plague, Ascham dined at Windsor with Sir William Cecil, and among the guests were William Sackville, and his friends Haddon and Astley. After dinner Ascham was informed that certain scholars had run away from Eton for fear of a flogging, and the conversation turned on educational discipline, in which Ascham strongly condemned corporal punishment. Sir Richard Sackville was so impressed with AschamÕs remarks that he offered to educate AschamÕs son with his own under a master instructed in AschamÕs system, and others of the company begged him to write a practical treatise on education. He at once set to work, chiefly with a view to the bringing up of his own children. He freely confessed that his method was borrowed mainly from Sturm and from his old tutor Cheke, who had died in 1557, and whose memory he believed he might best honor by putting posterity in possession of the secrets of his teaching. For five years he was filling in a plan of the work, of which he sent a sketch to Sturm in the last letter he ever wrote, about December 1568. ÒOf the greater portion, which he had then completed, the first book contained, with many autobiographical reminiscences, a general disquisition on education, arguments in favor of alluring a child to learning by gentleness rather than by force, a statement of the evils attendant on foreign travel, and an account of the immoral training acquired by young men at court. The second book detailed AschamÕs method of teaching Latin by means of a double translation which subsequent writers on education have invariably praised. He advised the master in the first place to explain in general terms the meaning of a selected passage, and afterward to let the pupil construe it and parse each word in two successive lessons. After an interval the child was to write out his translation, and after a further interval, was to turn his translation back into Latin. The teacher should then show him how the various constructions employed corresponded with, and were explained by, examples in the grammar book. The first reading book Ascham recommended was SturmÕs selections from Cicero, and the second a play of Terence. The advance to more difficult authors was to be gradual, and the boy was not to attempt to speak Latin until he was master of the grammar. Ascham added remarks on Latin prosody, which he looked forward to seeing adopted in English verse, and criticized the style of many Latin authors. But before the book had gone further, he diedÉ His widow, [Margaret], published the ÒScholemasterÓ in 1570 as her husband had left it, adding only a graceful dedication to Sir William Cecil, recently selected chancellor of Cambridge University.Ó (DNB)ÒAscham's principal project, and the most lasting memorial to him, was ÔThe ScholemasterÕ. He saw it as showing his sons Giles and Dudley Ôthe right way to good learningÕ (Ascham, Works, 3.86). It consisted of two books: the first gives the character of the ideal tutor and scholar and draws heavily on Plato; the second treats the method of instruction by double translation using proper imitation of classical models, and draws equally heavily upon Cicero. He discussed how best to judge the aptitude of a pupil, how best to encourage a student, how best to inculcate a love of learning. He wrote in it: Ôthat the youth in England, specially gentlemen, and namely nobility, should be by good bringing-up so grounded in judgment of learning, so founded in love of honesty as, when they should be called forth to the execution of great affairs in service of their prince and country, they might be able to use and to order all experiences, were they good, were they bad, and that according to the square, rule, and line of wisdom, learning and virtue.Õ (Ibid. 3.138)STC 834; cf. PMM 90
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Tibullus, Catullus & Propertius cu[m] commento. Venice: Bonetus Locatellus for Octavianus Scotus, 5 December 1491 [Bound with] Epigrammata cum Do. Chal. ac Geo. Me. Commentariis

Catullus, Gaius Valerius (ca. 84- ca. 54 B.C.); Tibullus (ca. 50- ca. 18 B.C.); Propertius, Sextus. (ca. 49- ca. 16 B.C.); Martial [Marcus Valerius Martialis] (c. 40 - ca. 104 A.D.) The First Illustrated Martial bound with A Catullus IncunableFolio:31 x 21.5 cm.I. (Catullus) [158] lvs. Collation: A-c8, d-e6, f-s8, t-x6 (lacking blank leaf x6). II. (Martial) CLXI lvs. Collation: A-T8, V10 (lacking blank V10)A CATULLUS INCUNABLE BOUND WITH THE FIRST ILLUSTRATED EDITION OF MARTIAL.A wonderful sammelband, bound in contemporary, blind-tooled Italian half-calf and beveled wooden boards with some defects (lacking clasps, losses to leather at head and foot of spine and at extremities, loss to wood along leading edge of upper board, boards wormed) but still (and partly due to this) very pleasing. Manuscript waste visible in the gutters of the boards. Internally, these copies are wonderfully fresh and crisp with just minor cosmetic faults (in the first work: tiny wormholes in the first few signatures and elsewhere as a short trail in the inner blank margins, sometimes touching the text but only slightly occ. marginal stains. In the second work: a few other insignificant wormholes and minor staining in the lower margin.) Both are broad-margined copies.THE FIRST ILLUSTRTED EDITION OF MARTIAL:The book is illustrated with 15 woodcuts, beginning with a scene showing five seated figures writing, the central three identified as Martial and his commentators Domizio Calderini (1447-1478) and Giorgio Merula (ca. 1430-1494). The text proper is illustrated by 15 woodcuts, one for each of the 14 books of epigrams, and an additional woodcut in Bk. V. Each woodcut illustrates a scene from the book that it introduces. The first woodcut shows the Colosseum; the third shows the Etruscan haruspex preparing a sacrifice, the eleventh shows Priscus (with his Mollosian hounds) accepting a book of poetry from Martial, etc.THE 1491 CATULLUS:Printed by Bonetus Locatellus for Ottaviano Scoto, this edition comprises all the poems of the Roman elegiac poets Catullus, Propertius and Tibullus, together with the commentaries of (respectively) Antonio Partenio (1456-1506), Filippo Beroaldo the Elder (1453-1505) and Berardino Cillenio (b. ca. 1450) of Verona.The commentary of Parthenius is particularly important. His work was Ònot only the first but also the most important of the fifteenth-century commentaries on Catullus. He made significant improvements to the text and explained Catullan style and usage with parallels from a wide range of ancient authors, both Greek and Latin, including among others, Cicero, Vergil, Martial, Pliny Ovid, Lucretius, Donatus, Homer, and Sappho. He was also interested in interpreting the poems and successfully emended and explained several that had previously seemed pointless. The commentary was hailed in verse by several of PartheniusÕ fellow citizens and other contemporaries, including Iacobus Iuliarius and Hieronymus Bononius.Ó (Gaiser)I. Goff T-372; Hain 4763; Proctor 5029; BMC V, 439; Literature: Julia Craig Gaiser, ÒCatullusÓ in ÒCatalogus Translationum et CommentariorumÓ, Vol. VII). II. EDIT 16, CNCE 34895
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Hore dive virginis Marie, secundum usum Romanorum, cum aliis multis, folio sequenti notatis, una cum figuris Apocalipsis, et multis figuris Biblie insertis [With a calendar for 1513-1527]

BOOK OF HOURS An Illuminated Parisian Book of Hours Printed on VellumOctavo:16.2 x 10.5 cm.Printed on vellum. 112 lvs. Collation: A-O8. Complete.A RARE HARDOUYN HOURS ON VELLUM.Illustrated with 43 metal-cut illustrations, 14 of them full page, all but 1 (the printerÕs device on the final leaf) hand painted in colors and gold. Bound in early 18th c. velvet over wooden boards (rembo"tage), with ornate open-work metal corner pieces, catches, one clasp (of 2) and a central ornament with unidentified arms on each board. Binding with moderate wear, upper hinge split, one clasp lacking. Contents in fine condition with minor blemishes, occ. stains or smudges to the margins, and a small, clean tear to the final leaf (no loss). Margins cut a bit close trimming the edges of the painted border, but far from the engravings.Printed at Paris by Gilles Hardouyn (?1455-?1529) for his brother Germain Hardouyn (d. 1541) at his printshop at the sign of the golden rose near the Pont Notre-Dame. The metalcut illustrations were probably produced in the workshop of the Parisian artist Jean Pichore (fl. 1500-1520, Paris), whose influence can be seen most notably in the use of illusionistic perspective in many of the scenes. In the colophon, Germain Hardouyn is described as a most skillful illuminator of books Òin arte litterariae picturae peritissimusÓ. This book was probably illuminated in the Hardouyn workshop.On the recto of the first leaf is Gilles HardouynÕs full-page device with Hercules, the centaur Nessus, and De•aneira (Renouard 429) and, on the verso of the final leaf, a second device (Renouard 431). Colophon: Parisius recenter impressum, per Egidum Hardouyn, impressorem et librarium . expensis vero honesti viri Germani Hardouyn, etiam librarii, et in arte litterarie picture peritissimi . anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo decimo quarto, nona die mensis.Lacombe, Livres d'heures imprimŽs au XVe et XVIe sicle conservŽs dans les bibliothques publiques de Paris, catalogue, no 251 (p. 146); Renouard, ICP, II, 865; Bohatta, 959; Van Praet, I, n¡ 116 and 132; Brunet 243; Renouard,ÊLes marques typographiques parisiennes des XVe et XVIe sicles, 429 and 431. Another velum copy is held at the Bibliothque Genve Switzerland.
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Metamorphoseon libri XV. In singulas quasque fabulas argumenta. Ex postrema Iacobi Micylli recognitione.

Ovidius Naso, Publius (43 BCE-17 CE); Solis, Virgil (1514-1562), artist. With 178 Woodcuts by Virgil SolisOctavo:15.8 x 9.6 cm.[16], 573, [18] pp. Collation: *8, a-z8, A-Z8, aa-oo8ONE OF SEVERAL FEYERABEND EDITIONS.Bound in contemporary alum-tawed pigskin, ruled and tooled in blind, with sheaves of wheat and medallion portrait heads (soiled, minor defect to pigskin of lower board, lacking clasps. Internally a nice copy with the very faintest of toning, some 17th c. line numbering, a very few, insignificant stains, and a single, pin-prick size wormhole in the last few signatures. Overall quite nice. Provenance: 17th c. ownership inscription on title.This edition is illustrated with 178 woodcut illustrations by the Nuremberg artist Virgil Solis (1514-1562). SolisÕ celebrated illustrations are based on the woodcuts produced by the Lyonese artist Bernard Salomon for an edition printed by Jean de Tournes in 1557. The first edition with SolisÕ woodcuts (which are larger than those of Salomon) appeared in 1563, printed by Georg Corvinus and Sigmund Feyerabend. See Stahlberg, ÒVirgil Solis and die Holzschnitte zu den Metamorphosen des OvidsÓ, in: Marginalien, 95 (1984), p. 29-35.This edition, printed by SigmundÕs cousin, Johann (with Sigmund as publisher), includes a life of Ovid by Aldus Manutius.VD16 O 1660; See Fairfax Murray (German) II, no. 345
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Catalogue systŽmatique et raisonnŽ des curiositŽs de la nature et de lÕart, qui composent le cabinet de M. Davila, avec figures en taille-douce.

MUSEUMS. CABINETS OF CURIOSITY. MINERALS. RomŽ de Lisle, Jean-Baptiste Louis de (1736-1790); D‡vila, Pedro Francisco (1713-1785) A Private Mineralogical Museum - With Numerous Specimens from the Americas & The Collection of Albertus SebaThree tall octavo volumes:19.5 x 12.8 cm.Vol I: xxxvi, 571 pages.; Vol II: vj, 656 pages; Vol III: vi, 290, 286, [1] pp. Collation: I. a-b8, c2, A-Z8, Aa-Mm8, Nn6 (plus 22 plates); II. a3, A-Z8, Aa-Ss8; III. a3, A-S8, T4, a-s8 (plus 8 plates)SOLE EDITION.Bound in contemporary mottled calf, spines gilt with morocco labels, light wear, small imperfections. Internally, all three volumes are in excellent condition. All 30 plates are crisp and in fine impressions.First and sole edition of this comprehensive catalogue of the collection of Pedro Francisco D‡vila. The D‡vila catalog (as it has become known) describes 8,096 mineral specimens that encompass a large range of localities, including a suite of specimens from Potos’ in Spanish America (as well as many items from Canada, Mexico, and Paraguay.) In addition, the catalog lists 5,253 shells, 600 preserved animals, 101 plants, 3,915 fossils, 154 bezoars and calculi, and 402 books. Over 12,000 prints and engravings, 1,741 original artworks, 441 maps, as well as various scientific instruments and precious stones are also described."Pedro Francisco D‡vila, possessor of the largest collection of natural history specimens in Paris, and wishing to establish an institution in Spain to preserve it, approached King Carlos III of Spain. But political difficulties and an approaching war with England distracted the king, who declined the purchase. Because of debts incurred building the collection, creditors forced D‡vila to put the accumulation up for auction in Paris. For this purpose, a detailed collection catalog was required. D‡vila had already written many descriptions, but it was his introduction throughÊBalthasar SageÊto the youngÊRomŽ de l'IsleÊthat created this remarkable record of the collection. "RomŽ de l'Isle took the existing material, added considerably to the mineralogical descriptions, and put the catalog into publishable form. In this task he was assisted by AbbŽ Duguat who helped with the mineralogical descriptions and AbbŽ Gua de Malves [1712-1786] who described the shells. Through their efforts, two volumes describing natural history specimens were produced, one of which was entirely devoted to minerals. In addition, a third volume written by RomŽ de l'Isle probably with assistance fromÊPierre Remy, describes the fossils, artwork and books.The published catalog provides a detailed insight into his collection, his special tastes and preferences. The major value of the collection lay in its superb mineral specimens, many of which were finely crystallized examples. RomŽ de l'Isle fully described the many fine mineralogical specimens, which included examples of native silver from Norway, cassiterite from the Dutch East Indies, crocoite from Siberia, pyrite from Columbia, and calcite from Saxony, etc. D‡vila had been a collector for over 20 years when his accumulation was auctioned. In that time, he or his agents had acquired specimens at other auctions, including those that liquidated the collections ofÊAlbertus SebaÊin 1752, the AbbŽ Joly de Fleury in 1755,ÊClaude GeoffroyÊin 1753 and others. D‡vila's catalog received wide distribution in Paris, London, Amsterdam, Rotterdam and Basle. This helped push the total realized by D‡vila to over 800,000 Spanish reales, more than enough to pay of his creditors, and to finance a second collection, which he immediately began to build. Within two or three years he had again amassed a sizable collection, specializing in minerals, and selected with more knowledge and experience than his first collection had been. Once again he dreamed of establishing the cabinet in Madrid. In October 1771 this became reality when King Carlos III agreed to take over his collections, with D‡vila serving as director for life. This enormous collection eventually passed into the National Museum of Natural Sciences in Madrid, where D‡vila's specimens are
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La nobilta, et l’eccellenza delle donne, co’ diffetti, et mancamenti de gli huomini. Discorso di Lucretia Marinella, in due parti diuiso. Nella prima si manifesta la nobilta delle donne co’ forti ragioni, & infiniti essempi . Nella seconda si conferma co’ vere ragioni . che i diffetti de gli huomini trapassano di gran lunga que’ delle donne. Ricorretto, & accresciutto in questa seconda impressione.

Marinella [also Marinelli], Lucrezia (1571-1653) WomenÕs Bodies, WomenÕs Souls Ð Lucrezia MarinellaÕs ÒThe nobility and excellence of women and the defects and vices of MenÓQuarto:19.25 x 15.5 cm. [8], 326, [2] p. Collation: a4, A-V8, X4 (with blank X4)SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND EXPANDED.A fine copy in contemporary parchment over boards, citron label tooled in gold on spine. Contents clean aside from 4 lvs. (G3-6) lightly browned and with early repair to short worm track, obscuring part of two-lines of text. Printer's device on title page. The second edition includes 14 new chapters, 4 refutations of the misogynistic views of prominent men (Ercole Tasso, Sperone Speroni, Torquato Tasso, and Boccaccio on the subject of women; and 10 on the vices of men (adulterers, men who murder their families, etc.)Lucrezia Marinella, born in Venice, was the daughter of the famous writer and physician Giovanni Marinella, who encouraged her to study poetry, music and philosophy. She became the most versatile, prolific, and learned woman writer of her generation. Lucrezia was a ferocious polemicist and wrote lyric, narrative and epic poems, mainly published by Ciotti, alternating secular and sacred, prose and verse in her production. She was related to the Accademia Veneziana, of which Ciotti was the official typographer, but led a reclusive life of private study. Nevertheless, she married a physician and had two children. Her fame as one of the very first feminist writers ever is mostly due to the treatise ÔLa nobiltˆ et lÕeccellenza delle donne, coÕ difetti et mancamenti de gli uominiÕ ('The nobility and excellence of women and the defects and vices of Men', Venice, 1600), [revised and expanded in 1601.] She died in Venice in 1653.ÒÔLa nobiltˆ et lÕeccellenza delle donne, coÕ difetti et mancamenti de gli uominiÕ was one of the first polemical treatises written by a woman in Italian as part of an ongoing debate about the nature and worth of women, often called theÊquerelle des femmesÊ(the debate about women). ÔThe Nobility and Excellence of WomenÕÊis an erudite recapitulation of the arguments and evidence brought forward to support claims for the merits of women, but it is more than a summary. Marinella provides a cogent, extended argument for the superiority of womenÕs intellectual and moral capacities, effectively constructing an account of a nature proper to women and distinct from the nature of man.ÒThe book is remarkable in several respects, aside from its philosophical and rhetorical skill. First, although several of MarinellaÕs predecessors on the pro-woman side of the debate had argued both that men and women were equal in so far as they shared a rational soul, and also that women were superior, they had failed to address adequately the tension between the claims of equality and of superiority; Marinella addresses it directly and persuasively. Her argument takes the bodies of women as a starting point, from which she adduces evidence to demonstrate that womenÕs moral characters are better than those of men, and that the moral superiority of women leads to an intellectual superiority. Second, Marinella advances the case being made by women and their supporters beyond a demand for sympathy and respect from men to a demand for freedom, power, and equality (Cox 1995, 520). Although she did not propose concrete reforms, she did analyze the situation of women in explicitly political terms. Third, although many had decried the viciousness of those who argued for the inferiority of women, Marinella was one of the first to supply an explanation of the motives of men who published misogynist works, and to connect those motives to the exclusion of women from public life (Jordan 1990, 259; Cox 1995, 516).ÒÔThe NobilityÕÊis divided into two parts, the first of which demonstrates the nobility and excellence of women, the second of which sets out the defects and failings of men. Both the respects in which she claims superiority for women and the contrast she draws between the excellences of women
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De rerum natura

Lucretius Carus, Titus (94 Ð ca. 55 B.C.) The Last Book Printed by Aldus ManutiusOctavo:15.5 x 9.5 cm. *8, a-q8 (blank leaves *8 and q7 both present)SECOND ALDINE EDITION.Bound in 19th c. calf, minor wear. A nice copy, lightly washed. Complete with both blanks and the final leaf with the Aldine device.ÒThe Lucretius of January 1515 was the last book printed by Aldus, shortly before his death on 6 February. The text had been revised and edited by Andrea Navagero (1483Ð1529), the editor of all the last Latin editions published by Aldus from the Cicero of 1514 onwards. Unlike AldusÕs first Lucretius of 1500, this book was a classical enchiridion, in the octavo format with text in Italic types, with no accompanying commentary or printed decoration.ÒLike AldusÕs first Lucretius, though, the edition was once again dedicated to Alberto Pio, Prince of Carpi, as if, at the end of his life, he wanted to close the cycle of his dedicatory letters addressing his last printed words and thoughts to his former pupil and constant supporter. Far from been sentimental, though, he was as always preoccupied with the correctness and accuracy of the text for the benefit of his learned readers, and apologized for having been prevented by illness from adding his own notes on Lucretius to NavageroÕs edition. Ever the clever businessman, however, he added the justification Ôit was necessary to make sure that the work did not exceed the proper limits and that the bulk of the volume would not become cumbersomeÕ.ÒLucretius was the first of the Latin classics to be printed by Aldus, a strange choice if one considers the controversial nature of the text often in contrast with Christian beliefsÐas the publisher himself points out in his dedicatory letterÐbut a natural choice given the philosophical nature of the text, in line with AldusÕs interests in scientific and philosophical texts from the Antiquity. AldusÕs admission that the text has also been chosen in view of the classical elegance of the verse introduces a new element of interest in the text.Ó(Cambridge University Library)Renouard 74:11; Ahmanson-Murphy 130; Adams L1651
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De cometis anni 1472

Schleusinger, Eberhard (ca. 1430-1488) Analyzing the Great Comet of 1471-2. The First Scientific Astronomy Book Printed during its AuthorÕs Lifetime.Quarto:21.7 x 16 cm.[34] lvs. Collation: [i]12, [ii]10, [iii]12. Complete with the initial and terminal blanks.FIRST DATED EDITION.One of only two 15th c. editions. The priority of the editions is unresolved but this is generally considered the second (see below.) Bound in contemporary blind-ruled calf over thick wooden boards with small metal bosses. Lacking the single clasp but retaining the upper catch plate. The text is extremely fresh, with generous margins; the impression of the type is deep and clear. With manuscript waste guards inserted in the three quires. Extremely rare. 5 copies in North America (The Walters, LC, NYPL, Yale Medical, The Morgan.)The exceedingly rare first dated edition of one of the two earliest astronomical treatises on comets. This work is distinguished from the other by not only recording observations but also containing mathematical calculations to determine the size of the comet and its distance from the earth, making it the first printed book by a living author to employ pure science in the investigation of an observed natural phenomenon.On Christmas 1471, a huge comet appeared over Europe and remained clearly visible until March of the following year. The celestial object was observed by several humanist scholars, including Regiomontanus, and sparked interest not only in the usual fields of prophecy and prognostication, but also stimulated true scientific interest. This is one of only two contemporary accounts of the comet to appear in print. The other (ISTC ic00287600), by Angelo Catone Supinas of Benevento, was printed at Naples by Sixtus Riessinger, after 1 Mar. 1472. However, unlike the work offered here, the Naples work does not include any scientific calculations.The anonymously-published work (the author is only identified as a ÒDoctor of ZurichÓ) is attributed to the physician and mathematician Eberhard Schleusinger, a student of Georg Peurbach and a colleague and friend of Regiomontanus. Internal evidence suggests that Schleusinger wrote his work after April 1472 and before 1473, a year for which he formulated some predictions. The short treatise appeared in print in BeromŸnster, near Luzern, in an undated edition by Helias Heliae, who died in 1475, after printing Òde CometisÓ and six other books on non-scientific topics. The colophon of the present edition bears the year 1474. A comparison with the presumed first edition by Heliae reveals differences that suggest that AurlÕs edition was composed from a manuscript source rather than a copy of HeliaeÕs edition. The exact relationship of the two remains a matter of active investigation.There is, however, little doubt that this edition was produced in Venice. The Typenrepertorium der Wiegendrucke classifies the type used as 1:119R and assigns it to the press of Florentius de Argentina, who was active in Venice around 1472. In the 1470s, Venice became the main European center of early astronomical publishing, even more so after the rapid collapse of RegiomontanusÕs ground-breaking private press in Nuremberg.ÒComet C/1471 Y1 (discovered on 25 Dec 1471) is unique among bright comets of modern times because no brighter comet has come so close to Earth. On 22 January, 1472, the separation was just 10 million kilometers. Since then, only the great comet of 1556 and Hyakutake in 1996 reached a somewhat comparable value but neither came so close to our home planet.ÒThe period of visibility was restricted to the time before perihelion on 1 March 1472. The comet first appeared in the constellation Virgo in the morning sky at the end of December 1471. From there it moved on a generally northerly path into Boštes, passing Arcturus, and into Coma Berenices.ÒAt the end of January 1472, the comet reached Ursa Major, and was visible for the whole night from Central Europe. On the 22nd it passed the North Celestial Pole at a distance of 15 degrees. Its closest approach to Earth occurred the following day. At this time the comet was moving faster than 1 degree per hour and within 24 hours had passed from the spring constellations to the autumn ones. However, the full Moon on 27 January affected its visibility.ÒAt the end of January, the comet moved back towards the south. It was now an object in the evening sky and was passing through the autumn constellations. There, it disappeared in Cetus around the time of perihelion. Passage past the Sun followed shortly after on 11 March. No observations were recorded after perihelion.ÒEberhard Schleusinger from Bamberg took the Great Comet as an opportunity to carry out a distance determination. He did this starting from the EarthÕs circumference as being 913 German miles (Meilen) and the distance of the Moon as being 33 times that value. He determined the distance of the comet from a daily observation of its motion relative to the star Spica. From a value of 6 degrees, he calculated the distance as 8,200 Meilen (equivalent to about 62,000 km) which for him confirmed the Aristotelian view that comets were not objects within the outer fiery spheres but instead belonged to the sub-lunar region influenced by the Earth. Regiomontanus, who became famous through his tables of ephemerides for navigators, accepted SchleusingerÕs calculation.Ó(Stoyan, Atlas of the Great Comets (2015), p. 49-50) Schleusinger also measured the tail to be 35 degrees, corresponding to a length of more than 4,000 miles.Schleusinger was born around 1430, probably in Lower Bavaria. He studied medicine and Ôartes liberalesÕ at Vienna, where he received his doctorate and became the personal physician of the bishop of Bamberg. Between 1472 and 1488 he was in Zurich, where he worked as a physician. The year of his death is not known. It was in Vienna that Schleusinger came under the influence of Georg Peurbach, who also observed the comet. ÒSchleusinger had become Master artium in 1455 at Vienna; hence,
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Innocentia et constantia victrix, siue Commentariolus de vitae ratione et martyrio 18. Cartusianorum, qui in Angliae regno sub Henrici octauo ob Ecclesiae defensionem, et nefarij schismatis detestationem, crudeliter trucidati sunt [.] [and] HAVENSIUS, Arnoldus – Historica relatio duodecim martyrum Cartusianorum, qui Ruraemundae in ducatu Geldriae anno M.D.LXXII. agonem suum foeliciter compleuerunt [.].

Chauncy, Maurice (1509-1581); Havensius, Arnoldus (1540-1610) The Martyrdoms of The English Carthusians & Their Brothers in the NetherlandsOctavo:15 x 9.3 cm.2 parts in 1 vol., [16]-111-[1 bl.], [16]-77-[3] pp. *8, A-G8; A-F8FIRST EDITION THUS.Bound in 18th-c. gold-tooled calf, stippled border and floral ornaments, spine with floral tools and red morocco label, minor wear to hinges. Edges of textbook stained red. A very nice copy. With an engraved title, full-page engraved arms of the dedicatee, Archduke Maximillian of Austria, and 2 full-page engravings: the first depicts the Irish Carthusian William Tynbygh (Tenbi) (d. 1529, prior of the London Charterhouse) being tormented in his cell by demons; the second shows the Roermond Carthusians being slaughtered in their chapel.Two gripping, contemporary accounts of Carthusian martyrdom: The first is Maurice ChauncyÕs relation of the ay 1535 execution of eighteen English Carthusians, including their prior, John Houghton, who refused to take Henry VIIIÕs Oath of Supremacy. The torture and execution of Houghton and his brethren are described in gruesome detail. Chauncy concludes his account with the surrender of the monastery in 1537 and laments his own acceptance of the Oath of Supremacy in November of that same year. The second work, written by the Dutch Carthusian Arnoldus Havensius , recounts the deaths, at the hands of Protestant soldiers, of the Carthusians of Roermond on 23 July 1572. With a dedication to Maximillian, Archduke of Austria, by Simon Weisser, monk of the Wurzburg Charterhouse, who edited and partly rewrote the two works."After the surrender of the English monastery in 1537, Chauncy joined the Carthusians of Sheen in Bruges. It was during Chauncy's first stay at Bruges that he produced his "History", no longer fearing the "terror of princes" now that Cromwell and Henry VIII were both dead. The text was edited by his brother Carthusians Vitus ˆ Dulken and Guilielmus ˆ Sittart at Mainz and was printed there in 1550. The later editions were sold to raise money for the Carthusian charterhouses of Europe.On the accession of Mary to the English throne, Chauncy was ordered to return to Sheen in an effort to restore the English province. In 1556 he was elected prior. In 1558 the Carthusians retired again to Bruges, living with their Flemish brethren until 1569, when they obtained a house on their own in St. Clare Street. The hostility of the Calvinists compelled them to leave Bruges in 1578. Failing to settle at Douai, they retired to Louvain (May, 1578). Chauncy died at the old house in Bruges in 1581." (Catholic Encyclopedia)Allison and Rogers 238; VD 17 23: 240516D and 23:240527T.