Martayan Lan

  • Showing all 23 results

De systemate orbis cometici de que admirandis coeli characteribus

De systemate orbis cometici de que admirandis coeli characteribus, opuscula duo, in quorum primo cometarum causae disquiruuntur, & explicantur. In secondo vero quid, quales quotue sint stellae luminosae; nebulosae; necnon, & occultae, manifestantur, & rerem caelestium studiosis commendantur .

ODIERNA, Giovanni Battista THE FIRST STUDY OF NEBULAE WITH FINE WOODCUTS. 4to [21.0 x 15.0 cm], 2 parts in one vol., (viii) pp., 102 pp., 1 f. blank; (iv) pp., 60 pp., (8) pp. including terminal blank, with 39 white-on-black woodcuts in text (12 full-page, 14 half-page, and 13 quarter-page). Bound in contemporary limp vellum. Binding well preserved. A few minor spots, blindstamp on front flyleaf; inscription on title (crossed through) Fra Giulio Amico J M C and signature of same on f. 4v.; 18th-century astronomical annotations on pastedowns. A very clean, crisp copy. First edition of this exceptionally rare and remarkable book on nebulae, the first of its kind, illustrated with striking white-on-black woodcuts. It is also a work of profound cosmological speculation placing it at the forefront of astronomical thought in the 17th century. Giovanni Battista Odierna (1597 1660) suggests in this work that all nebulae are composed of stars or stellar matter and that the centre of the Universe may lie far outside the solar system. Odierna was a Sicilian priest and disciple of Galileo who presented him with a telescope of medium focal length. Inspired by Galileo s Sidereus nuncius, he began a systematic investigation of nebular objects, the first of its kind. This study had not been pursued by other astronomers for various reasons, among them the emphasis on cataloguing fixed stars, the inadequacies of early telescopes for viewing objects of lower surface brightness, and finally because the systematic observations of nebulae would have inevitably called for a cosmological theory on the construction of the heavens a theory with which the seventeenth century, still laboriously digesting the Copernican revolution intensified by the debate on the teachings of Galileo, could hardy cope (Serio et al., op. cit.). The first part of the book is devoted to comets and was written by Odierna specifically to distinguish them from nebulae. Hodierna regarded comets as heavenly bodies very different from nebulae: besides their kinematical differences - comets have a rapid motion while nebulae have none - he thought that there was a more profound difference, the comets being made out of terrestrial substance, the nebulae being made out of stars and consequently, according to him, out of Lux Primogenita (ibid.). The second part of the work is devoted to nebulae. He records some forty-three nebulous objects of which nineteen have been shown to be true nebulae or star clusters, nine can be recognised as evident asterisms, while the remaining fifteen evade identification at the present time. Of the nineteen true nebulae, eleven (or twelve if we include the possible NGC 2451) were original discoveries. (He was unaware that the Andromeda Nebula and the cluster in Vulpecula, Cr 399, had been previously catalogued by Al-Sufi) It is a truly remarkable total, especially when one considers that in this same half-century following the invention of the telescope, the rest of the astronomical community discovered precisely one new object (M42, by Pieresc) (Jones, p. 188).
Histoire de la Navigation.

Histoire de la Navigation.

LINSCHOTEN, Jean Hugues Amsterdam, Evert Cloppenburgh, 1638. Folio [20 x 30.5 cm], (4) ff. [including half-page engraved portrait on verso of 4th preliminary leaf], 206 pp.; (2) ff. [including second engraved title], 181 pp.; (1) f. [third engraved title], 1-60; 67-86 [i.e., 79] pp., 36 plates and 6 maps. Bound in contemporary vellum over pasteboards, edges of covers frayed and corners exposed; blank right corner of title and of preliminaries slightly dog-eared, some leaves a bit dusty; but generally an exceptionally fresh, altogether unsophisticated copy. Excellent. The preferred large format French language 3rd edition. This is a large and absolutely genuine example of this classic illustrated travelogue to the East and West Indies, termed by Lach the most important of the firsthand accounts published independently of the great travel collections (I.198). No other book contained so much practical intelligence on the East and West Indies as Linschoten's. Unhindered by the censorship that affected writers from the Iberian Peninsula, the author included such information as sailing directions, physical descriptions of countries, and statistics on commerce and trade. The work was held in such high regard that for nearly a century, every Dutch ship headed for the East carried a copy of a Dutch edition of Linschoten. This copy of the third French edition (esteemed for its plates; see below) is rather unusual for being in an entirely contemporary condition in its original binding, and entirely unsophisticated internally. Although the work contains valuable reconnaissance for the New World (see below), the material on the East Indies is far and away the most valuable, being the fruit of the author's own observation. In the service of the Portuguese, Linschoten spent five years in Goa (1583-88/9), making numerous visits to the mainland. He was thoroughly immersed in Indian culture and the complex relations between the Portuguese colonial apparatus and indigenous peoples. Highlights include a first-hand descriptions of the caste system, political structures, business practices of the Banyas, and exotic natural phenomena. The first book treats the East Indies and East Africa, including regions as far east as Japan. The second book describes the navigation of the coasts of West Africa around the Cape of Good Hope to Arabia, together with the coasts of the New World, and includes a real roteiro after the Portuguese royal pilot Diego Affonso that sets out sailing directions from Portugal to India and from island to island in the East Indies. The third book is devoted to North America (Florida), the Caribbean and Brazil. The work was first published in Dutch in 1595/6. Latin and English translations followed in 1598. The first French edition appeared in 1610, but the plates are copies of the reduced version based on those in the De Bry; the second and third French editions return to the original, folio-sized plates of the Dutch edition and are accordingly the most desirable. * Borba I, 490; Alden/Landis 638/37; Tiele 686-88; Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, 1.1.196-204 & 482-90; Burnell & Tiele, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies, Hakluyt Society (Old Series) LXX-LXXI (London 1885).
Tractado em que se co[n]tam muito por este[n]so as cousas da China

Tractado em que se co[n]tam muito por este[n]so as cousas da China, co[m] suas particularidades, [e] assi do reyno dormuz.

CRUZ, Gaspar da. Evora, Em casa de Andre de Burgos, 1569 [title] / 1570 [colophon]. 4to in eights [19.1 x 13.9 cm], (88) ff., with woodcut arms and border on title page and woodcut initials. Bound in stiff vellum, manuscript title to spine, red ink borders to covers, marbled end papers. Only very minor rubbing to spine and boards, book label of H. P. Kraus inside upper cover. Sympathetically washed, very small mend to title and to fol. b ii not affecting text, very minor mends to worming in outer margin of a few leaves, a few contemporary annotations and minor marginal stains. Very rare first edition of this eyewitness account: the first European book devoted exclusively to China (Lach, I.1, p. 330). This highly important work, the first printed book published in the West on the subject, served as the primary source on China for European authors and their readers - most of whom never set foot in the East - for many decades following its publication. In 1548 Gaspar da Cruz, along with ten fellow Dominican friars, departed for Portuguese India with the purpose of establishing a mission in the East. Cruz visited Goa, Chaul, Kochi, and Portuguese Ceylon. In 1554 Cruz was in Malacca and thence left for Cambodia on a (failed) attempt to found a mission there. In 1556 he was in Guangzhou bay on the island of Lampacao and later went to Guangzhou itself to preach. By 1560 he had departed China and by 1565 he was on his return to Portugal where he published the present work in Evora in 1569/70. His Tractado provides a highly unusual and remarkable eyewitness account of Ming China, including many details never before published in the West. Comparing the work to the more renown account of Marco Polo s travels to Asia, Boxer remarks: there can be no doubt that the Portuguese friar [Cruz] gives us a better and clearer account of China as he saw it than did the more famous Italian traveler (Boxer, p. lxiii.) Although some information about China had entered Europe through general histories on the Orient (such as the writings of the Portuguese historians Fernão Lopes de Castanheda [c. 1550-1559], João de Barros [1496-1570], and Damião de Goes [1502-74], or, as was the case with Galeote Pereira, formed part of a Jesuit annual relation, these accounts were not books on China, but only parts of books which dealt incidentally with China (Boxer, p. lxii). Cruz s intention, by contrast, was to produce a book wholly on China, as is clear from its title and preface. It is, notes Rogers, the first Renaissance book on China to appear in print ( Europe Informed, p. 87). Even the inclusion of several leaves at the end of the book on Ormuz where the author stopped on his way back to Europe is obviously an afterthought of the printer, as Cruz makes no allusion to this appendix in the preface in which he outlines the scope of his work (Boxer, p. lxii). Cruz uses (and dutifully cites) the few early written sources available to him but adds much information from his own experience, particularly about Chinese social life at Canton which clearly fascinated him. Among many more things, he does not forget to describe his pet Cantonese song-birds, who turned December into April with their singing He is the first recorded (and for a long time only) European to appreciate Chinese music, and he found Chinese practices of husbandry and navigation in many ways superior to those of Europe. He made good use of his eyes and ears during his short stay in Kuangtung [Canton/Guangzhou]; and he took the trouble to obtain translations of Chinese state documents and private letters which greatly enhance the value of his work. The unbounded admiration which (in common with his countryman Galeote Pereira) he expressed for many aspects of Chinese life and work forms an interesting contrast to the more critical attitude of Fr. Martin de Rada and other sub
Le Dessin d¿Après Nature et sans Maitre

Le Dessin d¿Après Nature et sans Maitre, suivant la Méthode du Professeur le Breton, consistant a faire Dessiner d¿Après Nature, dès la Première Leçon, par Mme Jerry de Mancy, Née Adèle le Breton, Peintre et Professeur¿

JARRY DE MANCY, Adèle / LE BRETON, Jean-François (2) ff, iv pp, (5)-63 pp, 59-67 pp, 69-107 pp, (1), plus 32 [i.e. 33, with an ¿8 bis¿] numbered lithographed plates signed Mme. Marchand after Mme. Jarry de Mancy. Quarter bound in contemporary morocco and tree calf over pasteboards, title gold stamped on spine, marbled end papers. Boards rubbed and with edge wear and loss of bottom corners. Moderate spotting throughout, damp staining in upper margin affecting edge of plates, plate 20 with repaired tear. Otherwise good overall. Extremely rare first edition (second issue, a year after the first) of this exposition of the drawing methods of Jean-François Le Breton, a respected drawing master in 19th century Paris. The present work is of special interest, having been wholly composed and lithographed by two women, one of whom was Le Breton¿s own daughter and pupil and a drawing instructor and painter in her own right. Le Breton (1761-1838) was a provincial artistic prodigy, sponsored by his hometown (Mayenne) to travel to Paris at the age of 20 to study under David and Vincent. His own studio enjoyed much success among students of both sexes. One anecdote relates how even during the Reign of Terror, Le Breton continued to give lessons to the aged Mme. Helvetius while she remained in prison under conditions of strict silence. ¿Yet the Le Breton method would never have seen the light of day [in print] if it had not been for the close presence of his pupil and daughter¿ Madame Adele Jarry de Mancy, who edited, under the direction of her father, two works¿¿ (¿Jean-Francois Le Breton,¿ Réunion des sociétés des beaux-arts des départements a la Sorbonne [1885], p. 435). The present work complements Mme. Jarry de Mancy¿s earlier Traité de perspective simplifiée linéaire (1828), but gives a fuller introduction to the art of drawing based on chapters covering movement, proportion, shadow, the portraiture of the head and face, etc. The 33 full-page lithographed plates depict diagrams of perspective (and indeed its perception in the human eye) as well as artistic models of faces, buildings, interiors, the use of bistre, ears, hands, and so on. The execution of the lithography, particularly the examples of bistre, is very skilled ¿ but we have been unable to trace the identity of the lithographer, who signs herself only as ¿Mme. Marchand¿. All plates are also signed by Mme. Jarry de Mancy, delineavit. The societal constraints of the two artists is perhaps apparent in several of the plates: Plate 32, a full-length portrait of a nude soldier, could only be called anatomically correct from the waist up! Adele Jarry de Mancy (1794-1854) was a member of the Athenée des Arts de Paris, ¿occupant un rang distingué parmi les professeurs de Paris,¿ according to a contemporary review of the present work. The Revue des Deux Mondes (1831, pp. 263-4) indeed gives a good summary of the present work and its utility, as well as noting its publication in 8 livraisons up to the year 1831, perhaps explaining the existence of issues dated both 1830 and 1831. OCLC shows one US copy of the 1830 edition, at the Getty; a further copy of the 1831 reprint is found at the National Gallery. The present work is rare even in European census. * OCLC 852258165; cf. also e.g. the Neues allgemeines Künstler-Lexicon, Vol 6.
De motu impresso a motore translato. Epistolae duae.

De motu impresso a motore translato. Epistolae duae.

GASSENDI, Pierre (4) ff., 159 (i.e. 151) pp., with woodcut device on title, woodcut diagrams, woodcut headpieces and initials. Bound in contemporary vellum, red sprinkled edges. Minor rubbing and handsoiling to covers, annotations on endpapers. Cancelled manuscript shelf mark on title, early annotations in several hands, small corner loss at p. 59. Rare first edition of Pierre Gassendi¿s (1592-1655) important illustrated treatise on inertial mechanics. Written in the form of two letters addressed to the scholar and keeper of the king¿s library Pierre Depuy (1582-1651), the De motu impresso ¿contains the first precise published formulation of the principle of inertia¿ as recently advanced by Galileo (Jones, p. 63). ¿Gassendi had taken up Galileo¿s research almost as soon as it had been published in the Two New Sciences in 1638. He made experiments with inclined planes and dropped stones from the mast of a moving ship and confirmed Galileo¿s results and predictions. On paper, he studied Galileo¿s unaccelerated and unretarded uniform horizontal motion in an imaginary space outside the world and succeeded in abstracting the first statement of the principle of inertia from both the intrinsic gravity and circular motion that had enthralled Galileo¿ (Hooper, pp. 149-50). ¿On one point ¿ and it is an important one ¿ [Gassendi] was more successful than Galileo: he correctly stated the principle of inertia. The experiment of the De motu impresso a motore translato, performed in 1640 in Marseilles, overthrew the argument of Copernicus¿s opponents against the movement of the earth. Gassendi arranged to have a weight dropped from the top of a vertical mast on a moving ship in order to demonstrate that it fell at the foot of the mast and not behind it, thus sharing in its fall the forward motion of the ship. Gassendi understood that the composition of motions is a universal phenomenon. Motion is, in itself, a physical state, a measurable quantity, not ¿ as the Scholastics maintained ¿ the change from one state to another. It changes only through the interposition of another movement or of an obstacle¿ (DSB, vols. 5 & 6, p. 288). ¿In this regard, Gassendi was able to take a step beyond Galileo¿s conclusions, drawing from this test a generalized principle of inertia (the Galilean version of inertia was fundamentally circular, given that bodies in motion would trace the earth¿s curve). Gassendi saw that the motion of the dropped stone at a sustained speed ¿ in the absence of any contrary force or obstacle ¿ is an instance of inertial motion, albeit one where the motion is compositional (describing the parabola). Indeed, neither compositionality nor directionality had any impact on inertial motion, Gassendi concluded: any body set in motion in any direction continues, unless impeded, in a rectilinear path¿ (See, Fisher). The De motu impresso is also notable for its diagrammatic representations of the mathematic of motion, namely in its abandonment of Galileo¿s ¿triangle of speeds¿ in favor of ¿a visually and conceptually different representation based on a lattice of triangles¿ (Meli, p. 120, and see, Palmerino, passim). OCLC locates U.S. copies at Harvard, Oklahoma, Smithsonian, and New York Soc. Library. * W. Hooper, ¿Inertial Problems in Galileo¿s Preinertial Framework,¿ in The Cambridge Companion to Galileo, P. Machamer, ed., pp. 146-74; S. Fisher, ¿Pierre Gassendi,¿ The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy; D. B. Meli, Thinking with Objects: The Transformation of Mechanics in the Seventeenth Century, pp. 120-1 and 145-6; H. Jones, Pierre Gassendi, 1592-1655: An Intellectual Biography; C. R. Palmerino, ¿The Geometrization of Motion: Galileo¿s Triangle of Speed and its Various Transformations,¿ Early Science and Medicine, vol. 15, nos. 4/5 (2010), pp. 410-47.
Jornada dos Vassalos da Coroa de Portugal

Jornada dos Vassalos da Coroa de Portugal, pera se recuperare a Cidade do Salvador, na Bahya de todos os Santos, tomada pollos Olandezes, a oito de Mayo de 1624. & recuperada ao primeiro de Mayro 1625.

GUERREIRO, Bartolomeu 74 ff., (1) folding engraved plate. Bound in elaborately stamped contemporary calf, rebacked, red sprinkled edges; later pastedowns & endpapers. Shelf marks and old auction ticket from 1952 on front flyleaf. Rubbing and edge restorations to binding. Stamps of the Casa de Cadaval library (front flyleaf, title, and verso of engraving), contemporary inscription of Lourenço (?) Pires Carvalho on title, a few contemporary marginal annotations, small marginal worm track to a few leaves, minor toning to a few quires. Generally very good. Rare contemporary Portuguese account of the Dutch conquest in May 1624 of the principal Brazilian city, Salvador da Bahia, a brief victory that was reversed less than a year later by the largest armada ever sent to the Americas. This Dutch attempt to establish a colony in Brazil was the first episode in a 30-year war with the Portuguese and Spanish that had a lasting effect on the balance of European powers and colonial holdings. As Portuguese-language accounts are notably rarer than their Dutch counterparts, Guerreiro¿s history is a valuable record of the Portuguese interpretation of events. His Jornada was published just 6 months after what has been called the ¿Day of the Vassals¿ (May 1, 1625), when the Dutch surrendered to a force of 52 ships and more than 12,000 men. According to Borba, it is ¿One of the classic source books for the recapture of Bahia¿ (I.380). The Dutch long had commercial interests in Brazil, and established several trading networks in the early days of Portuguese rule. However, during the Spanish Captivity of Portugal (1580-1640), a new policy allowed Dutch merchants found in the newly Spanish colonies to be detained. Taking umbrage at this, and convinced that capturing Salvador would not be difficult, the Dutch launched an expeditionary force in December 1623 that included 26 sailing ships, 450 guns and 3300 men under Admiral Jacob Willekens and the notorious Vice-Admiral Piet Hein. Arriving in the Bahia de Todos os Santos on 8 May 1624, the fleet landed a few miles from Salvador. The Dutch troops, under the command of Jan Van Dorth, entered the town early on the morning of May 10, 1624, at which point the Portuguese governor, Diogo de Mendonça, swiftly surrendered. The Dutch victory caused an uproar in Spain and Portugal¿King Philip IV vowed publicly that he would personally make the journey to Brazil to retake Salvador (letters from the king are transcribed in chapter 31 of the Jornada). While the king did not personally go to war, thousands of Portuguese vassals rallied under Dom Manuel de Menezes, who joined with the Spanish Armada under the general Dom Fadrique de Toledo y Osório. A massive fleet of 52 ships, 1185 guns and 12,566 men¿second only in size to the famous armada of 1588¿set sail for Brazil, reaching Salvador on Easter Eve 1625. Reinforcements arrived from Rio de Janeiro, Espirito Santo and Pernambuco in early April. The Dutch were demoralized and capitulated on 30 April 1625, the day after the Portuguese entered the town. Guerreiro proudly recounts the circumstances and major players involved in both the Dutch attack and the Portuguese victory. Bartolomeu (or Bartolameu) Guerreiro S.J. (1564-1642) published a volume of sermons (Lisbon, 1624), as well as a substantial Jesuit martyrology, Gloriosa coroa d¿esforçados religiosos da compenhia de Jesu (Lisbon, 1642). OCLC U.S.: Cornell, Catholic University, Brown. * Borba I.380; JCB II.192; Rodrigues 1168; Samodães 1472; De Backer-Sommervogel III.1912.2.
La Description Geographique des provinces & villes plus fameuses de l¿Inde Orientale.

La Description Geographique des provinces & villes plus fameuses de l¿Inde Orientale.

POLO, Marco (10) ff., 123 ff, (1) ff. (printer¿s device on verso). Bound in modern red crushed morocco, raised bands, spine in six compartments, spine gold tooled and lettered, covers blind tooled, gold-tooled board edges, gold-tooled dentelles, blue ribbon bookmark, red sprinkled edges. Only very minor rubbing corners, bookplate inside upper cover. Title a bit dusty, inscription on title (¿Masson¿), minor pale spotting to first few leaves, a few minor marginal stains, contemporary signature to f. 80 (¿Didier Langreve¿?), verso of final leaf a bit dusty. Rare first French edition of the work considered ¿the first to give anything approaching a correct and detailed account of China and the Far East¿ (PMM), and perhaps the most influential travel book of all time. This first appearance in French should possibly be linked to topical interest in the wider world: The description of China in Münster¿s Cosmographia is mentioned in the preface and one should recall that the 1550¿s saw intensive French exploration and colonization in the Americas. ¿Marco Polo was a member of a prosperous Venetian family engaged in commerce. He set out with his father and uncle in 1271 on a journey to the East. Starting from Acre the party traveled through Persia and the Upper Oxus to the Pamir plateau, and then through Mongolia and the Gobi Desert to the extreme north-west of China, reaching Shantung in 1275. Here they sojourned at the court of Kublai Khan until 1292, finally arriving back in Venice, after travelling through south-east Asia and Southern India in 1295. During his stay in China Marco Polo took an active part in the administration of the country and travelled widely in the great Khan¿s service. He saw¿or obtained knowledge of¿large parts of China, northern Burma. Tibet, Japan, south-east Asia, the East Indies, Ceylon, southern India, Abyssinia, Zanzibar and Madagascar, Siberia and the Arctic¿ (Printing & the Mind of Man). The account was dictated by Polo while a prisoner after the Venetians lost to Genoa. The text was curiously composed in French, and circulated widely in manuscript: 138 are extant today. The first printed edition appeared even more curiously in German, but it was in the Latin edition of 1483/4 and the Italian of 1496 that it began to make a wider impact. The present edition is the work¿s first (printed) appearance in French and was brought out simultaneously by three different Parisian booksellers, issued with variant titles and different final leaves: the present issue, that by Vincent Sertenas, and one by Etienne Groulleau. They made a similar arrangement for a 1559 translation of Machiavelli, from which we know positively that Groulleau did the printing. * Cordier Sinica III.1977-78; Adams P-1791 (Groulleau); Printing & the Mind of Man 39 (Italian 1496); Hill p. 237 (modern edition, with cross-reference to Ramusio).
Histoire du grand royaume de la Chine.

Histoire du grand royaume de la Chine.

GONZALEZ DE MENDOZA, Juan Rare first French edition – here in a magnificent, contemporary Parisian binding – of the Spanish Augustinian Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza’s (1545-1618) groundbreaking treatise on China, a work considered “the most comprehensive and popular book on Ming China to appear in Europe” (Lach, I.ii, p. 330). Though substantially based on Cruz' earlier book on China, it became “One of the outstanding ‘best-sellers’ of the sixteenth century It is probably no exaggeration to say that Mendoza’s book had been read by the majority of well-educated Europeans at the beginning of the seventeenth-century. Its influence was naturally enormous, and it is not surprising to find that men like [ Michel de Montaigne,] Francis Bacon and Sir Walter Raleigh derived their notions of China and the Chinese primarily, if not exclusively, from this work. Even travellers who, like Jan Huighen van Linschoten, had themselves been in Asia, relied mainly on Mendoza’s Historia for their accounts of China ” (Boxer, xvii). Mendoza led a mission to China in 1580 on behalf of King Phillip II of Spain. The embassy disembarked at Vera Cruz, Mexico, in the summer of 1581, but, because of political instability in the Philippines, the party sailed no further. Mendoza returned to Spain in 1583 and proceeded to Rome, where Gregory XIII commissioned him to write, in the words of a contemporary reader, “a history of things that are known about the kingdom of China” (Lach, I.ii, p. 473). Originally composed in Spanish, Mendoza’s treatise was first published in Rome in 1585, and soon became widely translated and reprinted. The first part of the Historia describes the geographical borders, natural produce, religious beliefs and ceremonies, political structures, education, and maritime activities in China. A section on language contains, according to Brunet, the first published examples of Chinese characters in a western book. The second part covers the approach to China from the Philippines, giving an account of missionary activities (in 1577, 1579 and 1581) on the mainland and the islands. The final section treats the voyage of Martin Ignacio (c. 1550-1606) from Spain to China via the Canary Islands, Santo Domingo, Jamaica, Mexico, the Ladrones and the Philippines. The present French edition also contains extensive information – prominently announced on the book’s title page – about Antonio de Espejo’s celebrated 1583 expedition to New Mexico, information not contained in all early editions of Gonzalez de Mendoza’s work. Gonzalez de Mendoza later served as Bishop of Lipari (1593), Chiapas (1607) and Popayán (1608). The translator of this first French edition, the Parisian jurist Luc de la Porte, also translated the Letters of the future saint Juan de Ávila (1499-1569) (Paris, Fizelier, 1588) and the poetical works of Horace (Paris, Fizelier, 1588). Michel de Montaigne appears to have read Mendoza in this Luc de la Porte’s translation: In 1588 the philosopher added to his Essais a passage on the extreme antiquity of Chinese innovation (“Des coches”), scolding Europeans for being so tardy in their (supposed) invention of artillery and printing (see Pinot, p. 194). The present copy of Histoire du grand royaume de la Chine is finely bound in late 16th-century Parisian morocco, exquisitely decorated with gilt wreathes, flowers, stars and ‘GR’ monograms (unidentified) in the manner of the volumes famously associated with the library of the Venetian diplomat Pietro Duodo (1554-1611) and with bindings produced around the reign of Henri IV, especially for Marguerite de Valois (cf. Michel, plate VIII), perhaps in the workshop of Clovis Eve (1565-1634/5).
Description du premier voyage faict aux Indes Orientales par les François en l¿An 1603. [including separate title pages for the Description et Remarque de quelques animaux

Description du premier voyage faict aux Indes Orientales par les François en l¿An 1603. [including separate title pages for the Description et Remarque de quelques animaux, episceries, drogues¿ and the Traicte du Scurbut].

François Martin, de VITRÉ (4) ff., 134 (i.e. 131) pp. Bound in contemporary vellum, housed in modern book box. Signature I misbound. Impeccable copy, excellent. Extremely rare first edition of the first French account of the East Indies to appear in print (cf. Lach & van Kley, III: 373), here in an impeccable copy bound in early vellum. The work is that of the French adventurer François Martin de Vitré (c. 1575-c. 1631), who, upon his return to Brittany from the East Indies in 1603, prepared this lively account at the behest of King Henry IV (1553-1610). Martin¿s narrative inspired Henry in 1604 to establish the first iteration of the French East India Company (Compagnie des Indes Orientales) with designs on exploiting the treasures described in the present work (cf. Lombard, ¿Martin de Vitré, Premier Breton à Aceh¿). Likely enlisted as ship¿s surgeon aboard the Croissant, François Martin of Vitré, along with several companions from Saint-Malo and Laval, sailed from Britanny in 1601, rounding the Cape of Good Hope in May of that year. The Croissant¿s companion ship, the Corbin, wrecked in the Maldives, but Martin eventually succeeded in reaching Ceylon and trading with the Aceh in Sumatra. Upon his return journey he was captured by the Dutch at Cape Finisterre but finally returned to France in 1603. In his preface Martin summarizes the European powers¿ incursions in the East and laments the tardiness of the French to exploit the region¿s riches: ¿This has made me deplore the defect of the French, who more than any other nation are provided with a vivacity of spirit and a formidable worthiness, but who have nevertheless languished for so long in a slumber of idleness, ignoring information on the treasures of the East Indies with which the Portuguese and Spanish have enriched themselves¿ (p. 3). In the first two sections of the work Martin gives ample space to the discussion of flora, fauna, and commercial matters relevant the regions he visits (aromatic plants, spices, crops, the elephant, rhinoceros and tiger, the crocodile, tortoise and bird of paradise, livestock, the hunt, woods, weights and measures, currency, etc.), but he also includes a great deal of anthropological detail. Evidently the stereotypical red-blooded Breton seafarer, Martin, in his chapter on the ¿habits and customs we observed during our stay in the Indies¿ (pp. 38-66) dwells mainly on women ¿ the prostitution of premarital women, their perfumes, their bathing rituals, their medicines, and their punishment for adultery. He also notes gestures of salutation (two hands together before one¿s forehead), marriage customs (¿they can marry seven wives if they have the means to support them¿), and gives detailed reports on the traditions and inner workings of both Hinduism and Islam. He notes Turkish merchants to be frequent visitors to these lands, and writes of seeing a cannon of Chinese manufacture. Martin¿s intriguing 4-page dictionary of words useful for the traveler includes a section on counting in Malagasy, the language of Madagascar. The volume also contains a brief but significant ¿dictionary¿ of the Malay language, described here as ¿Elegant and easy to learn, like Latin¿ (¿fort beau & facile a aprendre ¿ comme le latin en leurope¿). Finally, in his presumed role as ship¿s surgeon, Martin penned a third section treating scurvy, recommending among other cures the use of citrus fruits and an aqueous preparation of alum. OCLC lists only two U.S. copies of this 1604 first edition: NYPL and the Minnesota¿s Bell Library (lacking 2 prelims). The work was reprinted in 1609, and of this second edition OCLC locates U.S. copies only at Harvard and the Boston Athenaeum. * Atkinson 444; Brunet, Supl. I, 920 (citing only the second edition); cf. also Denys Lombard, ¿Martin de Vitré. Premier Breton à Aceh (1601-1603),¿ Archipel 54: 3-12 (1997).
Stelleri Zodiacus Stellatus

Stelleri Zodiacus Stellatus

SELLER, John, senior / SENEX, John / HALLEY, Edmund / FLAMSTEED, John. (8) double-page engraved celestial and astronomical charts (see below for full contents). Bound in contemporary marbled boards with vellum spine, red sprinkled edges. Wear to head of spine, lettered on spine with title ¿Stelleri Zodiacus Stellatus¿, rubbing to boards and board edges, bookplate of Macclesfield Library inside upper cover, shelf mark on front pastedown. A few minor edge mends to charts, very minor and entirely unobtrusive worming to a few leaves, very minor marginal hand soiling to a few charts, blind stamp of Macclesfield crest on blank first three leaves, the hemisphere charts with green marker threads intact. An intriguing collection of 8 very rare early English astronomical charts by the London cartographers and instrument makers John Seller (c. 1630-1697) and John Senex (c. 1678-1740), offering the most up-to-date celestial information then available, with several of the charts based on the recent groundbreaking observations of the English astronomers Edmond Halley (1656-1742) and John Flamsteed (1646-1719). The present volume ¿ preserved in its contemporary binding ¿ is perhaps to be associated with Seller¿s elusive folio-format Atlas Coelestis, a work he is known to have advertised in catalogues, but which has never been definitively described or identified. The present volume may represent the core of this Seller atlas as later revised and issued by Senex (together with charts of his own making), but whatever the genesis of this collection, it is a valuable witness to the leading role played by English astronomers and publishers in the field of celestial cartography in the last years of the 17th-century. The 4 charts bound at the end of the volume ¿ 2 treating the stars of the northern hemisphere, 1 depicting those of the southern hemisphere, and 1 zodiac map ¿ date from the 1670s and are from the shop of Seller, who collaborated with Halley upon the astronomer¿s return in 1678 from island of St. Helena where he had catalogued southern-hemisphere stars for nearly two years. Halley produced a detailed chart from his coordinates (engraved by Jacob Clark) which was the first celestial hemisphere made from telescopically derived locations of the southern stars (Kanas, p. 122), and the present Australis Hemisphaerii tabulam by Seller is slightly altered issue of this work (with the addition of the Milky Way) published within a year of Halley¿s effort (Warner, p. 107, no. 1B and p. 236, no. 4B). Also included here is Seller¿s 1679 Zodiacus stellatus, ¿the first published zodiac,¿ which was advertised in the Easter Term Catalogue of 1679 as ¿being very useful, at all times, to find out the places of the Planets; wherein may be seen their daily motion, and their appulses to the Fixed stars. Accurately laid down by the said Mr. Edmund Halley¿ (Warner, p. 233, no. 3). These charts could be acquired from Seller individually and rarely are to be found bound in his Atlas Maritimus. The present atlas thus represents a rare artifact reflecting the state of English astronomy at the turn of the 18th century, when ¿the internal relations between scientists, cartographers, publishers, and dealers were often so complex as to obscure the specific contributions of each¿ (Warner, p. 237). The present volume carries the bookplate of the Library of Earls of Macclesfield, and it is worth noting that George Parker, 2nd Earl of Macclesfield, who himself was an astronomer of some ability, first became a member of the Royal Society in 1722 just as John Senex was publishing his Halley/Flamsteed charts (Senex would be elected a member of the Royal Society in 1728). This provenance would seem to make it all the more likely that the volume represents an integral atlas as issued by Senex. * D. J. Warner, The Sky Explored: Celestial Cartography, 1500-1800; N. Kanas, Star maps: History, Artistry, and Cartography.
Complete set of counterproof plates of globe gores and calottes for a 3.5-foot diameter celestial globe].

Complete set of counterproof plates of globe gores and calottes for a 3.5-foot diameter celestial globe].

CORONELLI, Vincenzo Maria 48 engraved plates of celestial globe gores, 2 plates of the polar culottes, and 2 further plates of equatorial rings, horizon circles, etc. Bound in contemporary carta rustica, sheets untrimmed, housed in a purpose-made quarter-vellum box. An excellent copy. Exceedingly rare complete set of the counter-proof version of the engraved gores for Coronelli¿s 3.5-foot celestial globe. This issue is before the addition of the engraved captions and figures; it was intended to show the heavens as they would appear to an observer on earth, as opposed to the conventional celestial globe that represents the stars as seen on an imaginary sphere from the outside. This copy is in exceptional original condition: a set of untrimmed sheets in their original binding, exactly as they would be received by a globe maker. On 7 December 1692 Sr Carlo Malavista, in a lecture on the development of astronomy at the Accademia Fisico-Matematica in Rome, described Coronelli¿s globes as the most perfect yet produced. He ends his peroration with remarks on the difficulty of using a celestial globe. ¿Both these globes give to the eye the appearance of being equal, but they are not equally useful to the eyes of the mind, that is, the intelligence, because to express the earth on a globe can be very well done, because the earth is in the shape of a ball on which we walk. The sky on the other hand is the opposite of this. As we stand on the earth the sky is above us, and we observe it as concave and not convex.¿ It was the accepted convention, as Malavista pointed out, to depict the heavens on a celestial globe as they would appear to an observer beyond the heavens. Malavista continued: ¿To make it easier to understand, the illustrious Giovanni Ciampini, Director of the Academy, has thought fit to have the celestial globe of Coronelli divided into two halves in concave form, so that the stars are seen in their proper location, agreeing with the way we look at them in the sky.¿ This is the first record in print of Coronelli¿s concave globes. When Coronelli issued in 1693 a new edition of the celestial globe with fewer names of constellations, he put the proposed innovation into practice by producing the globe in two versions, convex and concave. In Coronelli¿s account of his travels of 1696-97, Viaggi d¿Italia in Inghilterra (1697), a ¿Notice to the Public on the globes of Father Coronelli¿ is appended to vol. II (pp. 204-5). This reports that the celestial globes have been printed, some in convex forms, some in concave form, and that they have been made in this way, not through the mistake of the author, as some so knowledgeable people thought, but for their greater usefulness. The Accademia degli Argonauti made the same point in 1704: ¿critics construed as a mistake¿ what was done with the greatest erudition and for the use of our astronomers, namely that our Cosmographer engraved the celestial globe in concave and convex.¿ A mounted example of the gores for the ¿concave¿ globe is recorded in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum¿ (Helen Wallis, preface to the facsimile edition of the Libro dei globi Venice 1693 (1701), Amsterdam 1(1969) p. ix. which omits 2 of the plates missing from the BL example reproduced here) This ¿concave¿ version, as distinct from the more standard ¿convex version,¿ was produced by counter-proofing the original plates, not by re-engraving them: A strongly inked impression of the ¿convex version¿ would be made on a sheet of impermeable paper, and then a second impression immediately made from that sheet while the ink was still wet, so that the plate image is reversed. The final two plates in our copy are not part of the Libro dei globi but are added and appear to be pattern plates for globe makers.
Astronomicarum Institutionum Libri III. Quibus doctrinae sphaericae elementa methodo nova

Astronomicarum Institutionum Libri III. Quibus doctrinae sphaericae elementa methodo nova, facili, & ad captum Tyronum aptissima traduntur.

NAIBOD, Valentin / [NABOD] (8), 192 ff., with numerous textual woodcut illustrations. Bound in contemporary limp vellum, manuscript title on spine. Minor rubbing to binding, some wrinkling to spine. Minor browning in some quires, some minor marginal worming not affecting text, a few contemporary inscriptions in the text. Generally very good. Very rare first edition, second issue of this understudied work, ¿apparently the earliest Italian imprint to depict and discuss the Copernican system¿ (Gingerich) by the Cologne-born Professor of Mathematics at Padua. The work includes a printed diagram of the geo-heliocentric system of Martianus Capella (41r) as well as a diagram and exposition of the Copernican system (leaf 41v). The work is included in the Galileo bibliography of Cinti (no. 5) owing to the Copernican diagram. Cinti does not comment further than this, but it is interesting to speculate that the young Galileo (b. 1564), whether as a student at Pisa or a lecturer at Padua, may have encountered the Copernican hypothesis in the present work. It is not surprising that the exegesis of Copernicus would come relatively late to Catholic Italy in comparison to Protestant, German speaking countries, in light of both the establishment of the Index of Prohibited Books (1559) and the widespread efforts of the Counter-Reformation to insure doctrinal conformity in printed books. That it passed the watchful eye of the censor at all is probably due to its appearance in an unassuming astronomy primer and the somewhat hypothetical manner in which the theory is expressed. Although the impact of Naibod¿s work in Italy is difficult to assess, it is positively known that a copy of the first issue was owned by Tycho Brahe, still extant in the Clementinum in Prague, and it has been argued by the historian of astronomy Robert Westman that Tycho¿s encounter with the geo-heliocentric diagram of Martianus influenced the development of the Tychonic system. It also has been suggested that the Tycho assistant Paul Wittich was familiar with this work, and that the concept of ¿world system¿ (systema mundi) employed by Kepler, Tycho and Galileo originated with the present work. ¿In his elementary textbook of astronomy Valentin Nabod gave the system of Martianus Capella in which Mercury and Venus revolve about the sun. He added that Copernicus had taken occasion from this to make Saturn, Jupiter and Mars, and indeed everything included within the sphere of the moon, revolve about the sun as center of the universe, while the sun and fixed stars remain unmoved. Copernicus had thus ¿with so small a number of spheres¿ saved all the phenomena through the ages, as no one before him had done, with the greatest praise and admiration of the learned. Nabod then presented a figure of the Copernican system, which, as we have seen, was an unusual thing to do in an elementary textbook. He remarked that no one should be greatly offended by the movement of the earth and quiet of the sun. If, however, anyone preferred to consider the earth at rest and the sun as in motion, he could reach the same results by practically the same demonstrations, as was understood by all who knew anything about mathematics¿ (Thorndike, VI.40). Naibod (d. 1593) matriculated at Wittenberg in 1544, one year after the publication of De Revolutionibus, when the faculty included such important Copernicans as Reinhold and Melanchthon. He also wrote commentaries on the astrologer Alcabitius and on the Sphere of Sacrobosco. He acquired a certain amount of fame in the astrological literature of his own time for the rare feat of successfully predicting the day of his own death (see Thorndike VI.121). OCLC lists Huntington (Dibner), CIT, Harvard, University of Michigan, American University and University of Oklahoma. No American copy of Primarum de coelo (Venice 1573), though OCLC lists 4/5 German/Swiss copies. Cinti 5; not in Riccardi and no mention in Rose, The Italian Renaissance of Mathematics; Weil Cat.29.39 (c. 1950); Thornd
SS. Apostolorum et Evangelistarum Icones cum suis parergis.

SS. Apostolorum et Evangelistarum Icones cum suis parergis.

BARBÉ, Jean-Baptiste / VAN LOON, Theodoor Single-sided engravings, (1) engraved title, (20) engravings. Unbound, fixed with small staples at top edge. Minor marginal handsoiling and spotting, small marginal holes to a few leaves, minor edge wear, light browning to a few leaves. Generally very good. Very rare first edition of a set of engravings by the Antwerp printmaker Jean-Baptiste Barbé (1578-1649) after the designs of Theodoor van Loon (c.1581-1649), a Flemish painter noted as an early stylistic follower of Caravaggio (1571-1610). The work presents bust-length portraits of the Holy Family, the Four Evangelists, and the Twelve Apostles, each set within a fancifully designed sculptural frame, with the wording of the collection¿s title ¿ Icons with their Frames (¿parergis¿)¿ emphasizing the importance of the relationship between painted image and its enclosing frame. While the strong shading of some plates recalls Caravaggio¿s tenebrism, facial types, which gaze sweetly into the distance, are perhaps more indebted to those of Guido Reni (1575-1642), who was working in Rome and at the height of his popularity around the time these engravings were produced. Each ¿icon¿ is depicted with his attribute or an instrument of martyrdom (e.g., Peter¿s keys, Luke¿s ox, Andrew¿s cross), and the frames often echo these iconographic connections (e.g., herms flanking the portrait of James the Major are dressed as pilgrims). The emphasis on framing devices here is likely related to the rise in an interest in Christian archeology that began around 1600 and greatly influenced the way venerable images were treated in the remodeling of major churches and their altarpieces: For example, Theodoor van Loon certainly would have known his countryman and exact contemporary Peter Paul Rubens¿ (1577-1640) early Roman commission to enclose the ancient Santa Maria in Vallicella icon at Chiesa Nuova in an elaborate, pictorial altar frame (1606-08). This suite of engravings by Barbé should not, therefore, be seen only as a collection of images suitable for personal devotion, but also as a thoughtful visual treatise concerning the way artists were asked to confront and re-present early Christian art and iconography in the first half of the seventeenth century. Interestingly, these engravings are prominently dedicated on their title page to Wenceslas Cobergher (1560-1634), a painter, architect, engineer, theorist of institutional pawn shops (monti di pietà), numismatist, and collaborator of van Loon who was deeply interested in Roman and early Christian antiquities and their use by contemporary artists. * Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish, vol. 1, p. 100, nos. 45-64; M. Funck, Livres belge à gravures, p. 356; I. Baldriga, et al., Theodoor van Loon: ¿Pictor ingenius¿ et contemporain de Rubens, 2011; T. Meganack, De kerkelijke architectuur van Vensel Cobergher in het light van zijn verblijf te Rome, 1998. OCLC and KVK locate copies at the National Gallery (D.C.), Clark Art Institute, BnF, and Vlaamse Erfgedbibliotheek (Antwerp).
In Novum Testamentum ab eodem denuo recognitum

In Novum Testamentum ab eodem denuo recognitum, annotationes, ingenti nuper accessione per autorem locupletatae.

ERASMUS, Desiderio / [MÜNSTER, Sebastian] 576 pp., lacking final two leaves Bb vii-viii (address to readers, errata, index ternionum, and printer¿s device). Handsome woodcut title page given to Ambrosius Holbein, woodcut initials throughout. Bound in contemporary blind-stamped calf over wooden boards, somewhat rubbed, some wormholing, chipping on spine, clasps missing, raised bands, remnants of vellum manuscript pastedown inside back cover. Some page toning and waterstaining, occasional marginal chipping and small tears not affecting legibility of annotations. First collected edition of Erasmus of Rotterdam¿s annotations to his Greek New Testament, containing manuscript marginalia derived from the polymath Sebastian Münster¿s Hebrew translation of the Gospel of Matthew. The volume recalls the importance of Hebrew studies among Renaissance humanists and serves as a fascinating reminder of the double role played by Jewish language and culture during the Protestant Reformation. Fervent Reformers examined Jewish antiquities both to equip themselves better in arguments with contemporary rabbis and to understand more clearly the original Hebrew texts that lay behind the Latin Vulgate defended by so fiercely by sixteenth-century Catholics. In a precise sixteenth-century humanist hand, an unidentified scholar painstakingly copied out the Latin/Hebrew commentary from Münster¿s Evangelium secundum Matthaeum in lingua Hebreica (Basel, Henricus Petrus, 1537) into his Erasmus. This contemporary scholiast shows some facility with Hebrew, fluidly reproducing the language¿s difficult characters (but rarely quoting longer Hebrew passages in their entirety). The Book of Matthew was a natural point of focus for Christian Hebraists: Early church authorities, including Jerome, held that Matthew¿s gospel had originally been composed in Hebrew, not Greek, and so humanists asserted that a proper reexamination of the text must account for the peculiarities of the ancient Jewish language. (At one point, as if to hearten himself about the importance of his Hebrew labors, our unidentified annotator notes that even Erasmus confirms the patristic opinions concerning Matthew¿s textual origins.) Modern scholars agree: ¿High Renaissance humanists like Erasmus found it second nature to argue that one must study texts in their original languages, including Hebrew¿ (A. Grafton, p. 100). Nor was word-for-word copying considered a rote or passive activity at that time. Anthony Grafton stresses the importance of ¿copying as a tool of scholarship,¿ noting that Isaac Casaubon (d. 1614) copied out the Hebrew book of Esther in emulation of Demosthenes, who was said to have copied the histories of Thucydides eight (!) times. ¿[Joseph] Scaliger [d. 1606] did the same, starting ¿ as many did ¿ with the medieval Hebrew text of the Gospel of Matthew, part of a commentary on which he copied out in his own hand¿ (A. Grafton, p. 103). Our anonymous sixteenth-century scholar formed part of this intellectual milieu. The purpose of Münster¿s project, though, was more than philological. Having worked with Jews and having studied with the scholar-poet Elia Levita (d. 1549), he sought to directly counter contemporary Jewish misunderstanding about Christianity by writing to rabbis in their own literary language and by reworking the misleading Hebrew translation of Matthew then current, a now lost text associated with Spanish scholar Shem-Tov Ibn Shaprut (c. 1380). In his manuscript copy the anonymous annotator of this volume omitted both Münster¿s direct Hebrew address to contemporary Jews and Münster¿s Hebrew edition of Matthew, focusing instead on Münster¿s rich philological notes and keying them to the appropriate passages in Erasmus. *VD16 E 3093; Adams E 887; Anthony Grafton, ¿The Jewish Book in Christian Europe: Material Texts and Religious Encounters.¿ Faithful Narratives: Historians, Religion, and the Challenge of Objectivity.
Au nom de Dieu et de la S(ain)te Vierge

Au nom de Dieu et de la S(ain)te Vierge, que Dieu conduise le tout a bon sauvement.

TRADE] / [2 INSURANCE POLICIES] / [MARTINIQUE] Two folio bifolia [43.1 x 27.7 cm], each with letterpress text, woodcuts, and manuscript text on the first leaf. Retaining deckle edge on all sides, folded and annotated as typical of such documents, one of the documents a bit weak at the folds, otherwise very well preserved. Two rare folio-size maritime insurance policies from 1770s Marseille relating to mercantile voyages to France's American colonies in the Caribbean, and valuable witnesses to the more practical, bureaucratic aspects of maritime trade in late 18th-century France. Each document is illustrated with the three large woodcut seals of the city and carries in letterpress the standard legal formulas particular to Marseille, as well as extensive manuscript notes and signatures completing the policy. The earlier of the two policies, signed in May of 1774, relates to the vessel La Gentille, likely the frigate later recorded as having taken part in the 1780 Battle of Martinique, a stalemate between the French and British navies during the American War of Independence. The second policy, signed on 3 November 1777, concerns the Bon Pasteur, a ship under the command of captain Pierre Antoine Massier. Historical records show that this policy was nearly redeemed: Returning from Martinique in late December, the Bon Pasteur was fired upon by the British frigate Westmoreland off the coast of Cabo de Gata in Spain, boarded by six men (each armed with a brace of pistols and a saber), and Captain Massier roughly handled. The English suspected that the Bon Pasteur was not carrying goods from Martinique, but from New England (tobacco, rice), which would have been in violation of the protectionist economic policies common in both the French and British colonies in the Americas. After several sailors aboard the Bon Pasteur were thoroughly questioned, the ship was sent on its way (and its insurers in Marseille breathed a sigh of relief). OCLC does not locate any institutional copies of Marseille policies of this sort. * B.-M. Emerigon and P. S. Boulay-Paty, Traité des assurances et de contrats à la grosse, vol. 1, pp. 54-5; Bulletin de la Socété archéologique, historique et artistique, vol. 3, pp. 277-8; Observations sur le Mémoire justificatif de la cour de Londres (1780), pp. 12-3.
Newe geometrische und perspectivische Inventiones etlicher sonderbahrer Instrument .

Newe geometrische und perspectivische Inventiones etlicher sonderbahrer Instrument .

FAULHABER, Johann 38 pp., (1) f. integral blank, (3) folding plates, with engraved title, half-page engraved arms at dedication, and three engravings lettered A-C in the text (first two being half-page and the third full-page). Quarter bound in modern tan calf and pasteboards, title gold tooled on spine, red sprinkled edges. Very minor rubbing to binding. Small printer's crease to corner of title, some dampstaining at pp. 19-33, an occasional minor spot in the margin, small tear where third plate connects to binding. Overall excellent. Rare first edition of this illustrated treatise on instrument making by the Ulm mathematician and military architect Johann Faulhaber (1580-1635), a work principally important in the history of science and technology for its engraved technical illustrations of Galileo Galilei's (1564-1624) famous 'proportional compass' - the first such illustrations to appear in print - and for its revealing anecdote of how Faulhaber came to learn of the instrument and of its inventor, "Gallileus de Gallilei Professor zu Padua." This device - more usefully described as 'Galileo's Sector' to distinguish it from the various 'compasses' which appeared in the late sixteenth century - has been called the forerunner of the pocket computer, and so revolutionary was its utility that it "suddenly made it possible for nearly everyone to deal effectively with almost any [mathematical] problem arising in practical matters by following rather simple instructions" (Drake, p. 10). Galileo invented his remarkably useful instrument around 1596, calling it the geometrical and military compass. The device bears nine sets of lines or scales for calculating square and cube roots, determining interest rates, making monetary exchanges, squaring the circle, performing trigonometric calculations for surveying, and determining specific weights of metals and stones (essential for artillery). Galileo first described this instrument in 1606 in a privately printed user's guide La Operazione del Compasso. (printed in only 60 copies in his house) to accompany the instrument but without illustrating it so as to minimize the risk of piracy, a serious and chronic problem for him at the time. In the present work, Faulhaber explicitly credits Galileo with being the instrument's first inventor ("and not I"), and illustrates the two sides of the proportional compass for the first time in print, on separate folding plates, with his calibrations stressing its mercantile qualities with adjustments for the measuring standards of Ulm. He includes a summary of the instrument's wider uses and marvels at its flexibility, noting that his good friend, the excellent painter Georg Brentel of Lauingen (1581-1634) has already devised a way to use it for recalibrating sundials (Brentel would publish on Galileo's invention in 1614). The Galileo scholar Stillman Drake tells us that Faulhaber's text relates (p. 27) "that his acquaintance with [the instrument] dated from a visit paid to him (probably in 1603) by Mathias Bernegger en route from Austria to Strasburg. Faulhaber had recognized the value of the instrument, although he considered some of its scales less useful than others that he put in their places. He said further that before publishing he had made careful inquiries to determine the name of the original inventor and had learned that this was Galileo Galilei, professor of mathematics at Padua. Because Bernegger seems never to have visited Italy, it is probable that he had seen the silver example of the instrument sent by Galileo to the Archduke of Austria and in that way knew of its inventor. Faulhaber's inquiries were probably made because of other claimants who appeared in the meanwhile" (S. Drake, p. 26), professing to be the author and/or maker of Galileo's remarkable device.
Tabulae Rudolphinae

Tabulae Rudolphinae, quibus Astronomicae Scientiae, Temporum longinquitate collapsae Resauratio continetur.

KEPLER, Johannes (8) ff., 120 pp., 4 leaves consisting of numbers 121-25 and 3 pages of the Sportula, 155 (i.e. 119) pp. Finely engraved allegorical frontispiece, numerous woodcut diagrams in the text. Bound in contemporary colored vellum [dark red] , rubbed; spine neatly repaired at head & tail, edges with some wear. Light finger soiling to the frontispiece and first few leaves, a few small marginal tears (third p.l., pp. 5, 79, 91; p. 99 of the tables), very minor marginal worm track pp. 35-50, pale marginal damp marks from p. 87 of tables, final leaf re-margined at bottom edge and chipped at extremities, occasional inconsequential marginal staining here and there, the usual browning on the leaves of the Sportula, a few contemporary annotations. Generally a very good copy with an excellent example of the handsome frontispiece. First edition of this classic in the history of science, a nice large genuine example of the last of Kepler's works to appear in his lifetime, and in the judgment of Prof. Owen Gingerich, "the chief vehicle for the recognition of his astronomical accomplishments." - DSB, p. 304: It contains the first astronomical tables to be based on Kepler's three laws of planetary motion and is the first of Kepler's books to employ logarithms. "The printed volume of the Tabulae Rudolphinae contains 120 folio pages of text in the form of precepts and 119 pages of tables. Besides the planetary, solar, and lunar tables and the associated tables of logarithms it includes Tycho Brahe's catalog of 1000 fixed stars, a chronological synopsis, and a list of geographical positions .This work stands alone among Kepler's books in having an engraved frontispiece - filled with intricate baroque symbolism" (DSB, VII, p. 305). This exceptionally fine allegory shows the great astronomers (including Kepler) gathered in the temple of Urania. Designed by Kepler himself and executed by the Nuremberg engraver Georg Celer, this is one of the masterpieces of baroque book illustration, duly included in Philip Hofer's canon. The completion of Tycho Brahe's planetary tables, left unfinished at the astronomer's death in 1601, fell to Kepler as a matter of personal piety as well as one of his duties as imperial mathematician. It was a long time in coming, as Kepler somewhat churlishly explains in the preface, not only because of such externals as war and the difficulty of collecting his salary (!), but also because of his unexpected and highly productive initiation into logarithms. In combination with the heliocentric perspective of Copernicus, the logarithm enabled Kepler to eclipse all previous calculations of planetary orbits, which erred as much as 5 degrees. "This improvement constituted a strong endorsement of the Copernican system and insured the tables' dominance in the field of astronomy throughout the 17th century." - Norman 1208. The work exists in a number of issues which are of considerable interest for the light they shed on the publication and initial reception of a work destined to become a scientific classic. A year after the initial issue in 1627, sales were so poor that Kepler added a 4-leaf supplement called the "Sportula," explaining how to adapt the tables for astrological calculations. These were supplemented yet again in or after 1630 by an appendix by Kepler's son-in-law and, later on, copies were issued with a very large world map. Individual copies of the work, therefore, vary. Of those recorded, very few contain the world map. The copy offered here contains the "Sportula", but not the map or appendix. *Caspar no. 79, 3rd Fassung; Gingerich, "Johannes Kepler and the Rudolphine Tables" in The Great Copernicus Chase (1992), pp. 123-31; Sparrow, Milestones of Science, 116.
Brevis narratio eorum quae in Florida Americae provinciae Gallis acciderunt

Brevis narratio eorum quae in Florida Americae provinciae Gallis acciderunt, secunda in illam Navigatione, duce Renato de Laudonniere classis Praefecto: Anno M D LXIIII. Quae est secunda pars Americae.

DE BRY, Theodor (1) f. engraved title, (3) ff., 30 pp., (1) f., (1) f. Mendae quaedam (misbound), (2) ff. engraved map, XLII half-page engravings with letterpress captions, (1) f. engraved title to plates (misbound), (12) ff., with half-page engravings at the dedication and the ad lectorem praefatio, woodcut headpieces, initials and tailpieces. Lacking the final blank (unsigned K6) and the rarely found colophon to the plates (unsigned H2), quire K is misbound (see collation note below). Bound in nineteenth-century red morocco by Belz-Niédrée (signed inside upper cover), spine in seven compartments with gilt title and "V. M." monograms (Victor Masséna, Duke of Rivoli, Prince of Essling [1836-1910]), covers with gilt double fillet borders, gold-tooled arms at center of upper and lower covers, gilt double fillet to board edges, gilt inside dentelles, blue moiré silk doublures and gardes, marbled flyleaves, silk ribbon bookmark, all edges gilt. Rare first edition of Theodor de Bry's (1528-98) great illustrated work on 'Florida', in a copy fit for one of the consummate collectors of 16th-century illustrated books, lavishly bound in red morocco with the gold-tooled arms on the upper and lower covers for the Prince of Essling (1836-1959): its 42 copper engravings representing the earliest European encounter with native North American culture are in this copy remarkably fine strikes, richly inked with excellent plate tone. Famously describing a region then extending across much of the southeast of the present-day United States, the work represents the first printing of the narrative of Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues (c. 1533-88), which Lawrence Wroth has characterized as "the most informative and satisfactory of all books on the Huguenot colony in Florida [the first attempt by a European nation to found a colony north of the Rio Grande]. The large map, the first to show the French colony, and the fascinating plates of Florida scenes and life engraved by De Bry after Le Moyne's drawings, make this an indispensable Florida item" (Streeter, 1172), and a vivid pictorial record of this crucial period of American history in general, as well as an indispensable work for understanding the culture of the now lost Timucua people in particular. The narrative represents the second part of De Bry's Grand Voyages, a series issued in thirteen parts over a period of nearly forty years, and is one of the most desirable illustrated works for the collector of North Americana, being one of only two parts by De Bry which deal exclusively with North America (Thomas Harriot's Virginia appeared in 1590). Le Moyne, a member of the ill-fated 1564 French expedition led by Jean Ribault (1520-65) and René de Laudonnière (c. 1529-74), describes and depicts the first contact between the French explorers and the Timucua, as well as the establishment of Fort Caroline (near modern-day Jacksonville) and Charlesfort (modern Parris Island, South Carolina). The majority of De Bry's engravings examine the rites and customs of the Timucua, with plates devoted to their religious practice, methods of warfare (including the dismemberment of captives), manner of dress, agriculture, cuisine, architecture, games, marriage ceremonies, and other celebrations. Included here are the famous depictions of the Timucua hunting while cloaked in the full hides of deer, fending off giant alligators, and searching for gold. The final plate depicts the killing of Pierre Gambie, a symbol of the deteriorating relationships with the natives that, along with the Spanish attacks of 1565, ultimately doomed the fledgling Huguenot colonies in Florida. The present copy is complete except for the (unsigned H2) colophon to the plates, which, in any case, is rarely present ("Stevens could not find it in forty of the copies which he examined" -- Church, p. 334), and the integral blank (unsigned K6) at the end.
Histoire de la maladie singuliere

Histoire de la maladie singuliere, et du l’examen du cadaver d’une femme, devenue en peu de tems toute contrafaie par un ramollissement général des os.

MORAND, Jean-François-Clément 112 pp., (1) f., with (1) folding woodcut, woodcut headpieces. [bound with:] SAILLANT, Charles-Jacques. Mémoire historique sur la maladie singulière de la veuve Mélin, dit la femme aux ongles. Paris, chez Méquignon l'aîne, 1776. 8vo, (2) ff., 45 pp., (1) p. blank verso [bound with:] DESMARS, J.-T. Lettre à M*** sur la mortalité des chiens, dans l'anné 1763. Amsterdam and Paris, chez la Veuve de D. Ant. Pierres, 1764. 8vo, 40 pp. Bound in contemporary marble-painted calf, spine with title label and gold tooled in six compartments, triple-ruled gold borders on covers, marbled endpapers, marbled edges. Upper cover tender, headband loosening, minor edge wear. Free flyleaves browned, occasional minor spotting, otherwise internally excellent. Sammelband of three rare first editions concerning unusual cases of human and animal disease in 18th-century France. In the first work, the celebrated surgeon J.-F.-C. Morand (1726-84) provides the case history of Anne-Élisabeth Supiot's debilitating bone disease from the onset of her symptoms in 1747 to her death in 1751. The tract includes Morand's post mortem autopsy and a folding woodcut illustrating Supiot's (horrifically contorted) body. The second title treats the case of the widow Mélin - the so-called 'Woman with Claws' - who suffered from an acute skin condition. The cleric and physician C.-J. Saillant (1747-1804) describes in detail the woman's various deformities and notes that when she died at age 47 (after having not slept for 3 years), her corpse was dissected and the skeleton along with a preserved arm were given to the Physician's College in Paris. The third tract included here treats not human disease, but the notorious 1763 pandemic of canine distemper, which affected dogs and other species across Europe. These three serious (if somewhat sensational) scientific works, here collected together in a handsome contemporary binding, make for an odd juxtaposition and highlight how fluid the boundaries of medical practice and inquiry remained in the eighteenth-century. OCLC locates copies of these tracts at the following U.S. institutions: Morand: Columbia, Stanford, Yale, Chicago, Harvard, National Library of Medicine, Minnesota, Duke, Rochester Medical. Saillant: No U.S. copy Desmars: No U.S. copy * Waller 6658; Blake 311; Wellcome IV, 169; Conlon 52, 898; Barbier, Ouvrages anonymes, vol. 3, col. 137; The Critical Review, vol. 52 (1781), pp. 63-4.
Le Parangon des nouvelles honnestes utiles et delectables.

Le Parangon des nouvelles honnestes utiles et delectables.

FRENCH RENAISSANCE LITERATURE]. (1) f., 80 ff., woodcut architectural title border incorporating printer's initials, 29 small woodcuts flanked by columns, black-on-white woodcut initials. Bound in 19th-century red morocco gilt by Trautz-Bauzonnet, gold-tooled green morocco doublures, marbled endpapers, all edges gilt, in a pale blue chemise with green morocco spine label. Binding pristine, with the fine ex libris of its previous owners affixed to the front flyleaf. A 1-cm paper flaw at f. 38 affecting a few letters, very faint uniform browning. Only recorded copy of a very early illustrated edition (3rd) of this anonymous collection of 'nouvelles,' a literary genre presenting brief prose narratives taken from bourgeois life. The Parangon des nouvelles honnestes utiles et delectables, following the famous Les cent nouvelles nouvelles (c. 1460), collected vernacular tales purporting to be both true and current (i.e., relating to recent events, hence 'nouvelle') and so eschewed more established prose forms which relied on classical mythology, historical exempla, chivalric fantasy, and animal fable, in favor of reports on greedy merchants, drunken millers, lascivious housewives, and the like. Largely derived from the Decameron of Boccaccio, Lorenzo Valla's Apologues, Poggio Bracciolini's Facetiae and the anonymous Germanic Ulenspiegel, the Parangon packaged together old and new for popular consumption, resulting in what one scholar has called "a magma ready for every kind of metamorphosis" (Pérouse [1977], p. 7), that is to say, the unformed raw material that soon would cool into the more recognizable and longstanding genres of the novel and short story. These "issues of novelty, fictional accreditation, historical veracity, and the chivalric narrative past [.] were also played out in a variety of other critical settings encompassing works both of shorter and longer fiction," most famously in François Rabelais' proto-novels Pantagruel (1532) and Gargantua (1534), exact contemporaries of the Parangon (G. Norton, p. 306). Often bawdy and salacious, the nouvelle was initially overlooked by scholars of early-modern literature, but today its status as a "non-mimetic, self-conscious, intertextual, ironic, perhaps even skeptical mode of writing" has cemented it as a pivotal precursor to a modern literary sensibility (LaGuardia, p. 16). In short, the nouvelle frustrates and delights scholars today much as it did its contemporaries, and its importance springs from the uneasy, active reading it requires from its readers. The present volume's tall and slender 'agenda' format - a shape associated with easy portability and personal use - is very rare in this period, occurring (when it does) almost exclusively in French Books of Hours, a genre which blends private devotion (prayer) with a need for constant practical reference (liturgical hours, calendars) (see the Heures printed by Antoine Chappiel [1504], Pierre le Dru [1505-6], Gillet Hardouin [1509 and 1515], T. Kerver [1514], and Germain Hardouin [1534 and 1526]; a notable secular exception is the Manuale Vergilianum [Strasbourg, Johann Grüninger, 1507-10?]). It is intriguing that the impious, casual tales of the Parangon should have been printed in a physical format with such pious overtones: does its unusual form merely result from a desire for easy practical use, or does it carry some surplus of ironic meaning? Even the book's program of illustration participates in an (oddly modern) mixing of material: its numerous woodcuts are quite clearly borrowed from other (still untraced) sources: figures seated at dinner, a scholar with his amanuensis, women spinning yarn, a statue of Mars, a monk preaching in his pulpit, lovers embracing, a man drunk on wine, a mourner bent over a shrouded corpse, a Janus-faced figure, a sword duel - these all invite readers to puzzle out how such images might relate to each other and to the texts they supposedly elucidate.
Enchiridion novus Algorismi .

Enchiridion novus Algorismi .

HUSWIRT, Johannes (20) ff. Bound in early pasteboards, bookplate of Robert John Verney, Lord Willoughby de Broke (1809-62) inside upper cover. Some staining to boards. Contemporary annotations on title page and final page, restoration to bottom corner or title page not affecting text. Rare 1504 second edition (first in 1501) of this early computational handbook, the Enchiridion novus Algorismi of Johannes Huswirth, one of the earliest books on the Arabic system of numerals printed in Germany (see De Morgan, p. 4), containing the rules of the numerical operations and including the first commercial computing rules. The scarcity of early editions (a third was printed in 1507) of this text is perhaps due to its frequent use in calculation - the Greek 'enchiridion' means 'that which stays in the hand' - and indeed the book might even be considered an early form of portable calculator. "This is the earliest treatise on algorism printed at Cologne. It is divided into four 'Tractati' and includes the fundamental operations, a brief treatment of abacus or line reckoning, common fractions, rule of three, partnership and over twenty miscellaneous rules. In the algoristic treatment of integers, Huswirt places 'duplatio' (doubling) after multiplication, and 'mediatio' (halving) after division [.] It is interesting to see how these chapters on doubling and halving, of which we have traces in ancient Egypt, persisted throughout the Middle Ages and well into the sixteenth century" (Smith, 74-5). 'Algorism,' the technique of performing basic arithmetic by writing numbers in place value form and applying a set of memorized rules and facts to the digits, quickly superseded earlier calculation systems that used a different set of symbols for each numerical magnitude and often required a device such as an abacus. The word 'algorism' derives from the name of Al-Khwarizmi (c. 780-850), a Persian mathematician and astronomer working in Baghdad. His Arabic-language treatise was translated into Latin in the 12th century under the title Algoritmi de numero Indorum; in late Medieval Latin, algorismus, the corruption of his name, simply meant the "decimal number system." In 17th-century French, the word's form, but not its meaning, changed to 'algorithm,' following the model of the word 'logarithm,' this form alluding to the ancient Greek arithmos ('number'). English adopted the French very soon afterwards, but it was not until the late 19th century that 'algorithm' took on the meaning that it has in modern English. In English, the term it was first used about 1230, and then Chaucer used it in 1391. The mathematician Johannes Huswith (fl. 1501) was born in Saanen, studied at Cologne, where gained the title of magister atrium, and after his service as army chaplain and personal confessor to Cardinal Matthäus Schiner during the Siege of Pavia (1512), in 1515 he received the parish of Saanen with papal decree. OCLC locates no U.S. copies and only 2 copies worldwide of this second edition (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Germany, and Basel/Bern University, Switzerland). Columbia, Michigan and Wisconsin hold copies of the 1501 first edition; no U.S. institutions hold the 1507 third. * Smith, Rara Arithmetica, pp. 74-7; Augustus De Morgan, Arithmetical Books, p. 4; Graesse, v. 3, p. 396; VD 16 H6209.
The Ichnology of Annandale or Illustrations of Footmarks Impressed on the New Red Sandstone of Corncockle Muir.

The Ichnology of Annandale or Illustrations of Footmarks Impressed on the New Red Sandstone of Corncockle Muir.

JARDINE, Sir William (vi) pp., 17 pp., (6) pp., with chromolithographed title, vignette view of Corncockle Muir Quarry, vignette 'Rain Drops' (in sandstone), geological section, and 13 chromolithographed plates, of which 11 are double-page. Bound in original blue cloth. Rebacked with black cloth, new black cloth corners, endpapers renewed. Presentation inscription, stamp and release stamp of the Edinburgh Nature Conservancy on front flyleaf, occasional minor spotting, otherwise a nice copy. Rare first edition presentation copy of a work on fossilized reptile footprints found in the New Red Sandstone formations of Corncockle Muir, located near Templand in Dumfries and Galloway, Scotland. The naturalist William Jardine (1800-74) here records many specimens he found on the family estate, as well as items collected from other nearby quarries. This lavishly printed work - its illustrations of specimens reproduced at life size - is said to have been published in fewer than 140 copies (Jackson, p. 112). The fine, hard sandstone of Corncockle Muir was much quarried in the nineteenth century as an excellent building material, and during this work numerous fossilized footprints were found beginning in 1837. Jardine focused on the fossils excavated from the Permian formation at Corncockle Muir, reopening in 1847 a quarry that had worked to a depth of over 200 feet. Jardine collected specimens from Corncockle and other sites, making intricate descriptions and drawings. In the present work he presents his discoveries of three new genera and five new species. After his death, the fossil collection was sold by his son for £150 to the Edinburgh Museum, where it is still housed. The Corncockle Quarry sandstone provided building material for Victorian row houses in Glasgow and Edinburgh and was shipped across the Atlantic as a favored material in constructing the brownstones of New York City. The quarry at Corncockle is still active today. The present volume is a presentation copy, carrying the inscription 'Presented by Sir William Jardine to Charles Ratcliff'; Colonel Ratliff (d. 1885) was an assistant to Jardine who married his youngest daughter shortly after the naturalist's death. *Christine Jackson, William Jardine, a Life in Natural History, pp 107-113.