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Carrie Chapman Catt’s Book

Carrie Chapman Catt’s Book, with editor’s letter promoting the “Co-Workers Edition” – to a noted Chicago Suffrage leader, millionaire and vice chair of Republican Party

CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT & NETTIE ROGERS SHULER Book. Woman Suffrage and Politics: The Inner Story of the Suffrage Movement. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923. No. 122 of 1,000 "Co-workers edition," copy belonging to Chicago suffragist, millionaire and vice chairman of the Republican Party, Bertha Baur. 504 pp., 5 3/4 x 8 1/4 in. With: ROSE YOUNG. Typed Letter Signed, March 15, 1923, to Bertha Baur, New York, NY. On colorful illustrated "The Woman Citizen" letterhead. 1 p., 8 3/8 x 10 3/4 in. #25601.01 "The gates to political enfranchisement have swung open. The women are inside." Excerpts from the letter:"I know it will mean more to you than even to most suffragists to learn that Mrs. Catt has set down her private interpretation of that struggle in a book, 'Woman Suffrage and Politics, the Inner Story of the Suffrage Movement', and I feel certain that you will be glad of an invitation to enroll on the list of subscribers to the Co-Workers Edition of the book. Mrs. Catt is absent from America - off on one of her laborious tours for suffrage in other lands."Excerpts from the book:"The gates to political enfranchisement have swung open. The women are inside. In the struggle up to the gates, in unlocking and opening the gates, women had some strange adventures. They learned some strange things. Especially startling became their experiences and their information when woman suffrage once crossed the devious trail of American politics. It is with that point of intersection that this book concerns itself." (vii)"America's history, her principles, her traditions stood forth to indicate the inevitability of woman suffrage, to suggest that she would normally be the first country in the world to give the vote to women. Yet the years went by, decade followed decade, and twenty-six other countries gave the vote to their women while America delayed. Why the delay?" (viii)"We think that we have the answer. It was, not an antagonistic public sentiment, nor yet an uneducated or indifferent public sentiment-it was the control of public sentiment, the deflecting and the thwarting of public sentiment, through the trading and the trickery, the buying and the selling of American politics." (viii)"There had been hours for the Indian, the Russian, the German, the Chinese, the foreigner, the saloon, hours when each had decided the limits of woman's sphere, but no woman's hour had come." (127)"Those invisible influences that were controlling elections; that invisible and invincible power that for forty years kept suffragists waiting.was, manifestly, the power that inhered in the combined liquor interests." (132)"nothing in connection with the suffrage struggle was ever allowed to be easy." (364)Full text of Woman Suffrage and Politics: The Inner Story of the Suffrage Movement (1926 ed.)When Young wrote this letter, Catt was in Europe promoting the cause of woman suffrage. A few weeks after the date of this letter, Catt was introduced to Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, whom she confronted about the issue. More than one thousand delegates met at the International Women's Congress in Rome in May 1923. Mussolini attended the opening meeting and declared that his government would grant the vote to several classes of women.Rose Emmet Young (1869-1941) was born in Montana and operated a lumber company, while contributing fiction to magazines and newspapers under a pen name. In 1899, she moved to New York, where she joined the staff of the New York Evening Post. In 1915, Carrie Chapman Catt hired Young to direct the Leslie Bureau of Suffrage Education. Young compiled and redistributed news, editorials, photographs, cartoons, and statistics about women's suffrage to newspapers and wire services throughout the United States. In 1917, Young began editing The Woman Citizen, a weekly journal for women, created from the merger of The Woman's Journal, National Suffrage News, and The Woman Voter.Carrie Clinton Lane Chapman Catt (1859-1947) played a key role in the. (See website for full description)
President Franklin D. Roosevelt Appoints Woodring as Secretary of War

President Franklin D. Roosevelt Appoints Woodring as Secretary of War

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT Partially Printed Document Signed, Appointment of Harry H. Woodring as Secretary of War, May 7, 1937. Co-signed by Secretary of State Cordell Hull. 1 p., 22.75 x 18.5 in. Historical BackgroundAfter serving for three years as the Assistant Secretary of War, Woodring took office in September 1936, a month after his predecessor George Dern's death in office. As Secretary of War, Woodring continued Dern's recommendations for increasing the strength of the Regular Army, the National Guard, and the Reserve Corps. However, Woodring was also a strict non-interventionist, which put him increasingly at odds with Roosevelt's cabinet. They placed increasing pressure on Woodring to resign and on Roosevelt to fire him. Instead, Roosevelt appointed interventionist Louis A. Johnson as Assistant Secretary of War. Woodring and Johnson immediately clashed and came to the point where they no longer spoke to each other. On June 20, 1940, Roosevelt fired Woodring and replaced him with Republican Henry Stimson, who had been William Howard Taft's Secretary of War and Herbert Hoover's Secretary of State.Although Roosevelt appointed Woodring to succeed Dern as Acting Secretary of War in the fall of 1936, he did not officially nominate him until April 27, 1937. The Senate confirmed the appointment on May 6, 1937. Roosevelt issued this formal appointment as Secretary of War to Woodring the following day.Harry Hines Woodring (1887-1967) was born in Kansas, the son of a farmer and Union Army soldier. He attended a business school in Indiana, which helped him get a job at a bank in Kansas. He became vice president and owner of another bank, when he enlisted as a private in the U.S. Army. He later served a junior officer in the Tank Corps during World War I. He won election as governor of Kansas as a Democrat in 1930. He served as Governor of Kansas from 1931 to 1933, but lost a re-election bid in 1932. Incoming President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed Woodring as Assistant Secretary of War. In that position from 1933 to 1936, he had supervision over procurement. Roosevelt promoted Woodring to the position of Secretary of War to succeed George Dern, who had died in office. Woodring served as Secretary of War until Roosevelt fired him in June 1940. Woodring returned to Kansas, where he ran unsuccessfully for governor in 1946. He also unsuccessfully sought the Democratic nomination for that position in 1956.ProvenanceDescended in the family of Harry Hines Woodring, Topeka, Kansas.
Extremely Unwoke Women’s Suffrage Views by a Chicago Italian-American Attorney

Extremely Unwoke Women’s Suffrage Views by a Chicago Italian-American Attorney

WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE. CAIROLI GIGLIOTTI Book. Woman Suffrage: Its Causes and Possible Consequences. Chicago: Press of Barnard & Miller, 1914. 92 pp. "it is clear that woman suffrage should be discarded for the following reasons: First. It disrupts the home. Second. The woman is physically unfit for certain offices. Third. Politics is the most corrupt game of the age. Fourth. The right to vote does imply the right to become eligible to nomination or election to public offices. Fifth. The influence of the woman should be of a persuasive nature, and should be exercised at home. Sixth. Jealousy would destroy domestic happiness. Seventh. Women voters are unnecessary. Eighth. Women could never control men, on account of weaker physical conditions. Ninth. The needs of the family would be increased while incomes would decrease. Tenth. When the woman is with child, she is liable to suffer as a result of any emotion or abuse." (p74-76)Gigliotti, a naturalized Italian-American attorney in Chicago, declares limited women's suffrage as a failure in reforming politics and even opposes separate ownership of property by women, because husbands use their wives to hide their assets. Excerpts:"The agitation and the propaganda which have held this country spellbound during the past five or ten years, in relation to woman suffrage, which has an equal number of female supporters and opponents, and the fact that the problem is, probably, the most interesting of all problems, have influenced me to prepare this book, which is a modest but comprehensive study of all reasons and arguments advanced for and against suffrage." (p1)"The militant suffrage movement has been confined, up to the present time, to a lot of old maids, or soreheads, or ugly looking women, or hysterical females, who have tried to place themselves in the limelight, and to secure a husband, or a male sympathizer, who could be attracted by their noise, if not by their lack of beauty." (p5-6)"only the abnormal woman is looking for equal suffrage. A great number of others will take advantage of it, for a short time, to enjoy the new experience, but will quit voting as soon as they get acquainted with the situation." (p8)"The laws should be but are not, equal for all. They give women privileges and protection that is denied the men. The laws discriminate, but in favor of the woman." (p12)"The run for the right to vote, therefore, is transforming itself into the run for offices, and incidentally, for the political patronage connected with same." (p20)"The theory of equality might be a fine theory, but it is not supported by facts. The woman, in fact, is not equal to the man. She is considerably different." (p25)"It is absurd to claim equality of rights when human nature has rendered impossible equality of duties." (p28)"Who would exercise the additional influence which the votes for women bring about? The answer is easy: The foreign element of the American population, or, to be more explicit, those who will be shrewd enough to control it. The foreign element of the American population comes from the lowest scales of life. It is made up, in the whole, by peasants and laborers who come here in an effort to better their conditions. This element is industrious, willing, hard working. But.they preserve the same habits, the same superstitions, the same mental slavery which centuries of ill government have built around them." (p49)"The objection to woman suffrage is not based upon the idea that women should be deprived of an innocent distraction, but upon observation and consideration which point to the fact that the innocent distraction will act as a disrupter of home life, and of home quiet." (p54)"Some people are inclined to favor woman suffrage in Illinois because the legislature of the state has enacted a law granting limited suffrage, the Governor has signed it, and the Supreme Court has declared it to be constitutional. The law was upheld by a vote of fou. (See website for full description)
Harry Hines Woodring Political Archives and Related Material

Harry Hines Woodring Political Archives and Related Material

HARRY WOODRING Archive. Featuring a Harris & Ewing photo of Roosevelt at his desk signed and inscribed,"to Helen Woodring (wife) from her friend Franklin D. Roosevelt". With over 30 official and other photos of Woodring and/or his wife, many being proof copies from Harris & Ewing, five acetate recordings of Woodring including the "Cabinet Series" of the "United States Government Reports" radio series with paperwork, a 1940 letter from General George Marshall, assorted certificates, calling cards, government letterheads, Woodridge family ration books in a leather case, leather jewelry/vanity case with Mrs. Woolridge's initials and December 25, 1939 date, etc. First half 20th century. Historical BackgroundAfter serving for three years as the Assistant Secretary of War, Woodring took office in September 1936, a month after his predecessor George Dern's death in office. As Secretary of War, Woodring continued Dern's recommendations for increasing the strength of the Regular Army, the National Guard, and the Reserve Corps. However, Woodring was also a strict non-interventionist, which put him increasingly at odds with Roosevelt's cabinet. They placed increasing pressure on Woodring to resign and on Roosevelt to fire him. Instead, Roosevelt appointed interventionist Louis A. Johnson as Assistant Secretary of War. Woodring and Johnson immediately clashed and came to the point where they no longer spoke to each other. On June 20, 1940, Roosevelt fired Woodring and replaced him with Republican Henry Stimson, who had been William Howard Taft's Secretary of War and Herbert Hoover's Secretary of State.Although Roosevelt appointed Woodring to succeed Dern as Acting Secretary of War in the fall of 1936, he did not officially nominate him until April 27, 1937. The Senate confirmed the appointment on May 6, 1937. Roosevelt issued this formal appointment as Secretary of War to Woodring the following day.Harry Hines Woodring (1887-1967) was born in Kansas, the son of a farmer and Union Army soldier. He attended a business school in Indiana, which helped him get a job at a bank in Kansas. He became vice president and owner of another bank, when he enlisted as a private in the U.S. Army. He later served a junior officer in the Tank Corps during World War I. He won election as governor of Kansas as a Democrat in 1930. He served as Governor of Kansas from 1931 to 1933, but lost a re-election bid in 1932. Incoming President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed Woodring as Assistant Secretary of War. In that position from 1933 to 1936, he had supervision over procurement. Roosevelt promoted Woodring to the position of Secretary of War to succeed George Dern, who had died in office. Woodring served as Secretary of War until Roosevelt fired him in June 1940. Woodring returned to Kansas, where he ran unsuccessfully for governor in 1946. He also unsuccessfully sought the Democratic nomination for that position in 1956.ProvenanceDescended in the family of Harry Hines Woodring, Topeka, Kansas.ConditionMost items in very good to excellent condition. Roosevelt photo with 1 inch tear from top edge, several recordings with flaking to surface.
Very Early 1790s Naturalization Certificate for Famous French Physician – One the First Persons to Become an American Citizen Under the First Naturalization Act

Very Early 1790s Naturalization Certificate for Famous French Physician – One the First Persons to Become an American Citizen Under the First Naturalization Act

IMMIGRATION Manuscript Document Signed. Taunton, Bristol County, Massachusetts, Court of Common Pleas, begun and held September 14, 1790. Naturalization Certificate for Dr. Lewis Leprilete. A true copy, penned and signed by Samuel Fales, [between September 14, 1790 and March 19, 1795]. With certification on verso signed by notary public Samuel Cooper, Boston, March 19, 1795, and bearing Cooper's official embrossed paper wafer seal. 2 pp., 7 5/8 x 12 1/2 in. Dr. Lewis Leprilete was one of the few French persons admitted to United States citizenship under the provisions of the first Naturalization Act of 1790. He became the first to advertise cataract extraction in the United States, and the first American author to publicize Benjamin Franklin's bifocals. Leprilete returned to France, and was forced to serve in the French army in Guadaloupe. He was able to come back to the United States in 1801. As published in Acts and Laws, Passed by the General Court of Massachusetts, March 6, 1790, 19 individuals, including Leprilete, had petitioned the state to become citizens. The first Federal Naturalization Act of March 26, 1790 soon followed. Arguably this group of Massachusetts citizens are among the first naturalized by the Federal authority. Possibly the only document from that group extant.White persons living in the thirteen colonies on July 4, 1776, became citizens of their states by virtue of their residence in the rebelling colonies. The Articles of Confederation implied that citizens of one state had rights in other states as well, and Article IV of the United States Constitution, ratified in June 1788, created a national citizenship, but it remained vaguely defined until after the Civil War.[1]In the eighteenth century, the primary reasons for an alien to become a citizen were to acquire the right to vote and the ability to hold property outright and pass it on to heirs.[2] Aliens did not need to become a citizen to buy or sell property, hold a job, or get married. Many immigrants lived most of their lives in the United States and did not complete or even begin the process of naturalization. Because most states had property requirements for voting, many immigrants could not vote even if they were naturalized because they did not own enough property.Excerpts:"Lewis Leprelite humbly shews, That your Petitioner who is a native of France, came into the United States of America in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven hundred and Eighty Two, & has resided at Norton in the County of Bristol, within the Limits & jurisdiction of the same for more than Seven Years past. Your Petition is desirous of Naturalization, would therefore pray your Honours, that he may be admitted to become a Citizen of the United States, and is ready to perform whatever is required in an Act to establish an Uniform Rule of naturalization passed by the Congress of the United States March 26th 1790. And the said Lewis now appears in Court, and having produc'd Proofs to ye Satisfaction of the Court, that he is a person of good Character & hath resided in this Commonwealth for more than two Years last past. It is therefore Considered by the Court that the said Lewis Leprelite be admitted to take the Oath prescribed by Law to support the Constitution of the United States & thereupon the said Lewis took the oath aforesaid, and is accordingly considered a Citizen of said United States.""A True Copy of Record "Examd by Saml: Fales Clek""I Samuel Cooper Notary Public duly admitted & sworn & dwelling in Boston aforesaid, do Certify to all whom it may concern that Samuel Fales is Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas for the County of Bristol in the Commonwealth aforesaid. "Saml Cooper Not. Pub"Historical BackgroundThe framers of the Declaration of Independence included among their list of grievances that the King had prevented the peopling of the United States by obstructing "the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners" and by refusing to pass . (See website for full description)
Napoleon Bonaparte Signed Letter from Polish Campaign

Napoleon Bonaparte Signed Letter from Polish Campaign, War of the 4th Coalition: “once they arrive in Berlin review them, let them rest several days, and give them coats and shoes.”

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE Letter Signed, in French, signed as "Napol" at the top of the third page. Written at Osterode, Germany, March 11, 1807. 7.25 x 8.875 inches. Translation from the French"Monsieur General Clarke, my intention is that the 2nd Italian regiment reports at Kolobrzeg, until the entire Italian division is present; that will permit us to return the 19th of the Line here. Marshall Kellermann writes me that the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th provisional regiments have left. The 5th has been at Kassel a long time. Write to Kassel requesting that they send you the 5th, it will be replaced by the 9th. The 6th must be at Magdeburg, the 7th must have returned by the 5th. The 8th will arrive there the 17th. My intention is that we leave no one at Magdeburg, and that you direct everyone to Szczecin or to Kostrzyn.""Maral Kellermann assures me that they are well armed and dressed. My managerial staff needs reinforcements for these eight provisional regts; I have thus ordered Mal Kellermann to have the last four regiments, that is, the 9th, 10th, 11th and 12th, depart as soon as they are organized. My intention is that, once they arrive in Berlin, you review them, let them rest several days, and give them coats and shoes. You will do the same thing at Kostrzyn. The 31st Light Infantry must arrive at Berlin. Direct them towards Szczecin, after giving them a little rest, and reviewing them. I prefer that regiments pass by Szczecin rather than by Kostrzyn, because circumstances can render them exposed, and that they clear a passage from Marienberg to Torun.""The 45th of the Line arrives the 14th at Mainz and will proceed directly to Magdeburg. The 3rd Battalion of the 17th of the Line will begin marching March 2nd for Magdeburg. You will review them. If there are 800 mn, dash them off to this regiment, without leaving them any time at Magdeburg. The 3rd Battalion of the 21st of the Line will have arrived at Mainz. Ask Marshall Kellermann when he arrives. On this, I pray that God keeps you in his holy care. At Osterode March 11, 1807.""Napol."Historic BackgroundNapoleon Bonaparte-emperor, military commander, and master geopolitical strategist-addressed this lengthy missive to his Minister of War, Henri Jacques Guillaume Clarke (1765-1818), in early March 1807, from the last months of the War of the 4th Coalition (October 1806-July 1807), when Napoleon's forces were marching east conquering modern day Poland. Napoleon won the war after forcing the surrender of Polish strongholds Szczecin in October 1806, Gdansk in May 1807, and Kolobrzeg in July 1807.Napoleon personally commanded his Grande Armee of up to 1,000,000 soldiers. In this Polish campaign, Napoleon's French forces joined German, Italian, and Polish troops against the coalition of Prussia, Russia, Great Britain, and Sweden.As this letter shows, Napoleon was intimately involved in the minutest details; Napoleon berated subordinates if they did not report everything to him. This letter mentions the movements of 15 regiments to and from nine German and Polish cities.Napoleon relied on General Clarke for inspection and provisioning, conscription and internal discipline. General Clarke was recognized with the title of Duc of Feltre in August, 1809.Marshall Francois-Christophe de Kellermann (1735-1820) was a career soldier whose resistance against the Prussians at the Battle of Valmy (1792) earned him Napoleon's great respect.Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821). Born at Ajaccio, Corsica. He quickly rose through the ranks of the French Army to become Commander of the Army of Italy. After he defeated the Austrian army and conquered Italy in 1796, he was given command of the Army of England. Rather than attacking directly, he planned to wipe out her trade in the Indian subcontinent. Sailing from Toulon, he captured Malta, and in early July 1798, he captured Alexandria and advanced into Cairo. However, at the Battle of the Nile on August 1, 1798, the French fleet was practica. (See website for full description)
Jefferson’s Famous Letter on the "Wall of Separation" Between Church and State

Jefferson’s Famous Letter on the “Wall of Separation” Between Church and State

THOMAS JEFFERSON Newspaper. Aurora General Advertiser. [Philadelphia:] Published (Daily) at William Duane, Successor to Benjamin Franklin Bache, in Franklin-Court, Market-Street, February 1, 1802. 4 pp. The Danbury letters are on p. 2. Responding to the Association's letter congratulating him on his election to the Presidency and expressing its concern regarding the state of religious liberty in Connecticut, Jefferson observes:Jefferson's Response to the Danbury Baptist AssociationTo Messrs. Nehemiah Dodge, Ephraim Robbins and Stephen S. Nelson, a committee of the Danbury Baptist Association in the state of Connecticut.Gentlemen, The affectionate sentiments of esteem and approbation which you are so good as to express towards me, on behalf of the Danbury Baptist Association, gave me the highest satisfaction; my duties dictate a faithful and zealous pursuit of the interests of my constituents, and in proportion as they are persuaded of my fidelity to those duties, the discharge of them becomes more and more pleasing. Believing with you, that religion is a matter which lies solely between man and his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, and not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should 'make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof;' thus building a wall of separation between church and state. Adhering to this expression of the supreme will of the nation, in behalf of the rights of conscience, I shall see with sincere satisfaction the progress of those sentiments which tend to restore to man all his natural rights, convinced he has no natural rights in opposition to his social duties. I reciprocate your kind prayers for the protection and blessing of the common father and creator of man, and tender you, for yourselves, and your Religious Association, assurances of my high respect and esteem. Thomas Jefferson Jan. 1, 1802.The Letter to JeffersonThe address of the Danbury Baptists Association in the state of Connecticut, assembled October 7, 1801. To Thomas Jefferson, Esq., President of the United States of America.Sir, Among the many million in America and Europe who rejoice in your election to office; we embrace the first opportunity which we have enjoyed in our collective capacity, since your inauguration, to express our great satisfaction, in your appointment to the chief magistracy in the United States: And though our mode of expression may be less courtly and pompous than what many others clothe their addresses with, we beg you, sir, to believe that none are more sincere. Our sentiments are uniformly on the side of religious liberty??that religion is at all times and places a matter between God and individuals??that no man ought to suffer in name, person, or effects on account of his religious opinions??that the legitimate power of civil government extends no further than to punish the man who works ill to his neighbors; But, sir, our constitution of government is not specific. Our ancient charter together with the law made coincident therewith, were adopted as the basis of our government, at the time of our revolution; and such had been our laws and usages, and such still are; that religion is considered as the first object of legislation; and therefore what religious privileges we enjoy (as a minor part of the state) we enjoy as favors granted, and not as inalienable rights; and these favors we receive at the expense of such degrading acknowledgements as are inconsistent with the rights of freemen. It is not to be wondered at therefore; if those who seek after power and gain under the pretense of government and religion should reproach their fellow men??should reproach their order magistrate, as a enemy of religion, law, and go. (See website for full description)
President Lincoln Seeks Appointment to Naval Academy for His Wife’s Young Cousin

President Lincoln Seeks Appointment to Naval Academy for His Wife’s Young Cousin

ABRAHAM LINCOLN Autograph Letter Signed, to Gideon Welles, August 21, 1863, Washington, D.C. 1 p., 4 7/8 x 8 in. Complete TranscriptExecutive Mansion,Washington, Aug 21, 1863.Hon. Secretary of the NavyMy dear Sir You will oblige me very much if you can find a place to appoint John T. Grimsley, of Springfield, Illinois, to the Naval School.Yours very trulyA. LincolnHistorical BackgroundIn 1861, Abraham and Mary Lincoln packed a trunk with clothing and other articles, including some of Lincoln's important political manuscripts. When they departed for Washington, D.C., they left it for safekeeping with Mary's cousin Elizabeth Todd Grimsley. The trunk remained in that family until John Todd Grimsley, the subject of this letter, parted with it in 1919. We have had the privilege of handling the trunk, and also several manuscripts that had been inside, including Lincoln's House Divided Speech.[1]Elizabeth Todd Grimsley (1825-1895) was Mary Lincoln's first cousin; her father Dr. John Todd and Mary's father Robert Smith Todd were brothers. Elizabeth Todd had been born in Edwardsville, Illinois, where her father had moved from Kentucky, beginning the migration of a large group of Todds to central Illinois. He moved his family to Springfield in 1827, and there Elizabeth served as a bridesmaid in her cousin Mary's wedding to Abraham Lincoln in November 1842. Elizabeth married Harrison J. Grimsley in 1846, and they had two children before his death in 1865. When the Lincoln family went to Washington for Lincoln's inauguration, Elizabeth Grimsley accompanied them and remained at the White House for six months. She took shopping trips to northern cities with Mary Lincoln and often took care of Willie and Tad Lincoln. She and her cousin Mary both thought that the president should appoint her as postmistress in Springfield, but he feared discontent among his supporters there. She resumed her request for the position in 1864 but again was unsuccessful.On June 6, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln sent a message to Elizabeth Todd Grimsley, in Springfield: "Is your John ready to enter the Naval-School? If he is, telegraph me his full name?" John was fifteen and a half years old at the time. Two days later, she responded by telegram, "My son's name is John Todd Grimsley."[2]Two months later, Lincoln wrote an endorsement on the back of a letter written by Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles to Robert J. Sperry, whom Welles had dismissed for insubordination, neglect of studies and having "a most obscene book."[3] Lincoln told Welles, "I am under obligation to give the first appointment to the Naval School in my power, to John T. Grimsley, of Illinois, and no other commital must supersede this obligation. After saying this much, I add that I would be glad for the boy within named [Sperry], to have another chance, if at all consistent with the service."On August 14, Lincoln wrote to "My dear Cousin Lizzie" that he could make twenty appointments to the Naval School. By law, ten of them had to be from families of meritorious naval officers, while the other ten had no restrictions. "You see at once that if I have a vacancy in the first class, I can not appoint Johnny to it; and I have intended for months, and still intend, to appoint him to the very first vacancy I can get in the other class."[4]A week later, Lincoln made this request of Secretary Welles who, that same day, signed a letter ordering John T. Grimsley to report to the Superintendent of the Naval Academy at Newport, Rhode Island, between September 20 and September 30, to take an admissions examination. If he passed, he would become a Midshipman and "a pupil of the Naval Academy" and receive reimbursement for his traveling expenses. If he failed, he would receive neither the appointment nor his traveling expenses. Three days later, Lincoln again wrote to Elizabeth Grimsley that "I mail the papers to you to-day appointing Johnny to the Naval-School." It appears, however, tha. (See website for full description)
The Gettysburg Address – November 20

The Gettysburg Address – November 20, 1863 Rare First Day Printing by “Lincoln’s Dog” John Forney in the Philadelphia Press

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. GETTYSBURG ADDRESS Newspaper, Philadelphia Press, Philadelphia, November 20, 1863. Complete, 4 pp., approx. 20 1/4 x 28 in. "The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract."Lincoln's Gettysburg Address is on page 2, along with Edward Everett's entire speech, and a report on the ceremonies. Printed in an important newspaper owned by John Forney, this version is in some ways more accurate than the more widely spread Associated Press report. John Wien Forney (1817-1881), had been a Democrat whose support for President James Buchanan brought appointment as clerk of the House of Representatives and lucrative printing contracts. However, after Forney lost his election bid for the U.S. Senate, he started the anti-Buchanan Philadelphia Press, and switched to the Republican Party in 1860, becoming a key Lincoln supporter. Forney again served as House clerk, and then secretary of the Senate until 1868. (In that position, he was one of only four men to sign the official 13th Amendment Resolution: President Lincoln, Vice President Hamlin, Speaker of the House Schuyler Colfax, and Forney, writing, "I certify that this Resolution originated in the Senate.") At the same time, he maintained his editorial "Letter from Occasional" column in the Press and established the Washington Chronicle, aimed at the public and to soldiers in the Army of the Potomac. He interviewed the President on issues such as freedom of the press and the probable effects of the Emancipation Proclamation, and was invited to consult about cabinet appointments. His White House access caused opponents to call him "Lincoln's dog."The night before the Gettysburg Cemetery, Forney got "roaring drunk and gave a violently pro-Lincoln speech" (Boritt). Given that history, he probably should not have been chosen to chaperone newly-elected vice president Andrew Johnson at the March 4, 1865 inauguration; Johnson was widely criticized for his drunken performance there. After Lincoln's assassination and Johnson's veto of the Freedman's Bureau Act in 1868, Forney changed positions and campaigned for impeachment. Selling the Chronicle and returning to Philadelphia, the chameleon-like editor switched back to the Democrats, and started a weekly magazine, The Progress. In addition, he served as a director of the Texas & Pacific Railway.Partial Transcript:"Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. [Applause] Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a general battle-field of that war; we are met to dedicate a portion of it as the final resting place of those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this, but in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. [Applause] The world will note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. [Applause]. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work that they have thus far so nobly carried on. [Applause]. It is rather for us here to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion. That we here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain. [Applause] That the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that the Government of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not perish from the earth. [Long applause. Three cheers given for the President of the United States and the G. (See website for full description)
Jewish Physician Jacob da Silva Solis-Cohen Signs a Death Certificate

Jewish Physician Jacob da Silva Solis-Cohen Signs a Death Certificate

JUDAICA. JACOB DA SILVA SOLIS-COHEN Partially Printed Document Signed, Death Certificate for H. M. Richards, ca. October 10, 1873, Philadelphia, Pa. 1 p., 8 1/4 x 10 1/2 in. Jacob da Silva Solis-Cohen served in the Civil War and went on to become a pioneer in the field of head and neck diseases and surgery. TranscriptReturn of a DeathIn the City of Philadelphia.Physician's Certificate.1. Name of Deceased, H. M. Richards2. Colour, white3. Sex, male4. Age, thirty six5. Married or Single, married6. Date of Death, October 10th 18737. Cause of Death, Consumption J. Solis Cohen M.D. Residence, 1327 Green St.Undertaker's Certificate, in Relation to Deceased.[remainder left blank]Jacob da Silva Solis-Cohen (1838-1927) was born in New York City, of Spanish and Portuguese Jewish ancestry. In 1840, his family moved to Philadelphia. There, he attended Jefferson Medical College and the University of Pennsylvania, from which he received his medical degree in 1860. During the Civil War, he served as assistant surgeon with the 26th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, and served in Hooker's Brigade defending Washington, D.C. He later transferred to the Navy, serving under Admiral DuPont in the South Atlantic Blockading Squadron as Acting Assistant Surgeon in the Navy. After the war, he became a pioneer in throat diseases and the founder of laryngology. Through his efforts, Solis-Cohen professionalized a field earlier perceived as quackery, and his education became a model for the training of head and neck surgeons. In 1866, he was the first in the United States to provide regular lectures on laryngology at the Philadelphia School of Anatomy. In 1875, he married Miriam Binswanger, with whom he had eight daughters and three sons. He was a founder of the Philadelphia Polyclinic, which would become the Graduate Hospital at the University of Pennsylvania, and was its first professor of throat and chest diseases. Solis-Cohen also helped found the American Laryngologic Association, and served as its president from 1880 to 1882. In 1892, he was the first surgeon in the United States to perform a complete laryngectomy successfully.Henry M. Richards(1837-1873) was born in Mobile, Alabama. In 1861, he was a clerk for a line of mail steamers. By his death, he was the captain of a ship. He was buried in Mobile.ConditionFine
Lincoln Reads the Emancipation Proclamation to His Cabinet

Lincoln Reads the Emancipation Proclamation to His Cabinet

ABRAHAM LINCOLN Print. The First Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation Before the Cabinet. Engraved by Alexander Hay Ritchie, after 1864 painting of Francis Bicknell Carpenter. New York: Alexander H. Ritchie, 1866. 36 x 24 in. An engraving by Alexander Hay Ritchie commemorates the moment Lincoln first presented the Emancipation Proclamation to his Cabinet. Francis Bicknell Carpenter (1830-1900), a New York artist, was so impressed with Lincoln's bold act that he recruited Illinois Congressman and abolitionist Owen Lovejoy to arrange a White House sitting. Carpenter met Lincoln on February 6, 1864, and was allowed to set up a studio in the State Dining Room. Carpenter set his painting in Lincoln's office, which also served as the Cabinet Room. Lincoln reportedly told Carpenter where each person was seated on the day he read them the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. The artist was delighted that their placement was "entirely consistent with my purpose." To the left of Lincoln were Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton and Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase, the most radical members of his cabinet. A portrait of former Secretary of War Simon Cameron is also on the left of the painting. To the right of Lincoln, around the table are Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Interior Caleb Smith, Secretary of State William H. Seward, Postmaster General Montgomery Blair, and Attorney General Edward Bates, the more conservative members of Lincoln's advisers. Lincoln sat at the head of the table between the two groups "but the uniting point of both," according to Carpenter.After a temporary exhibit in the White House and Capitol in 1864, the fifteen-foot wide painting toured the country. Carpenter offered the painting to Congress, which refused to make an appropriation for it. In 1877, Elizabeth Thompson of New York purchased the painting for $25,000 and offered it to the nation. Congress formally accepted the gift on the sixty-ninth anniversary of Lincoln's birth. It hangs in the U.S. Senate. In 1866 book, Carpenter also published a book, Six Months at the White House with Abraham Lincoln.This lithographic print by Scottish-born Alexander H. Ritchie (1822-1895) captured and popularized Carpenter's painting before Carpenter made a series of alterations to the original, most significantly in revising Lincoln's head and moving the quill pen from near Seward to in Lincoln's hand.The National Portrait Gallery has a ledger page signed by Lincoln, Stanton, Chase, Seward, Wells and other members of Lincoln's administration ordering proof copies of Ritchie's print.Historical BackgroundOn July 22, Lincoln read a draft of his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation to his entire cabinet. In contrast to the Confiscation Acts of 1861 and 1862, the Emancipation Proclamation addressed only property in slaves and liberated all slaves in areas in rebellion, not only those of rebellious masters. At Seward's urging, Lincoln agreed to withhold announcing it until the Union forces had achieved a victory, so that it did not appear (especially to European observers) to be the desperate act of a losing war effort.Two months later, when Union troops stopped Confederate General Robert E. Lee's invasion of Maryland at Antietam Creek, Lincoln finally had his opportunity. On September 22, 1862, Lincoln issued his Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, giving the South 100 days to end the rebellion or face losing their slaves. On both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line, Lincoln's order was condemned as a usurpation of property rights and an effort to start racial warfare.When the South failed to acquiesce, Lincoln, as promised, issued the final Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863. With this Executive Order, he took a decisive stand on the most contentious issue in American history, redefined the Union's goals and strategy, and sounded the death knell for slavery. The full text of his proclamation reveals the major is. (See website for full description)
The Defense in Ex parte Milligan Argues That Even During War the Federal Government Can’t Use Military Trials Where Civilian Courts Are Operative

The Defense in Ex parte Milligan Argues That Even During War the Federal Government Can’t Use Military Trials Where Civilian Courts Are Operative

LAMBDIN P. MILLIGAN Printed Book. D. F. Murphy, reporter, Supreme Court of the United States. In the Matter of Lambkin [sic] P. Milligan, William A. Bowles, Stephen Horsey, Under Sentence by Military Commission. Argument of David Dudley Field, Esq. for the Petitioners. March 12 and 13, 1866. New York: Williams J. Read, 1866. 97 + 104 pp., 6 5/8 x 10 1/8 in. Court reporter records the impassioned defense, before the U.S. Supreme Court, by David Dudley Field of Lambdin P. Milligan and others, who were tried by military commission in Indiana during the Civil War and sentenced to death for disloyal activities. The court's landmark decision agreed with Field's reasoning that the federal government could not employ military tribunals where civilian courts were in operation. Excerpts:"Is it true that the moment a declaration of war is made, the executive department of this government, without an Act of Congress, becomes absolute master of our liberties and our lives? Are we then subject to martial rule, administered by the President upon his own sense of the exigency, with nobody to control him, and with every magistrate and every authority in the land subject to his will alone?" (p6)"This brings up the true question now before the Court. Has the President, in time of war, by his own mere will and judgment of the exigency, the power to bring before his military officers, any man or woman in the land, to be there subject to trial and punishment, even unto death? If the President has this awful power, whence does he derive it? From the Constitution? He can exercise no authority whatever, but that which the Constitution of the country gives him. Beyond it, he has no more power than any other citizen. Our system knows no authority beyond or above the law." (p35-36)"Much confusion of ideas has been produced by mistaking executive power for kingly power." (p39)"I submit, therefore, that upon the text of the original Constitution, as it stood when it was ratified, there is no color for the assumption that the President, by his mere will, without act of Congress, could create military commissions for the trial of persons not military for any cause or under any circumstances whatever." (p40)After quoting the third and fifth amendments to the U.S. Constitution, Field argues: "Here is a clear, unequivocal command of all the people, in contemplation of a state of war, no less than a state of peace, and stamped, as with types of iron, into their organic law, that at no time shall any person whatever be subject to military trail, except in these specified cases." (p41)"This completes my argument upon the text of the Constitution. The language of that instrument should set the matter at rest forever. There is no room left for interpretation. The words are direct and plain." (p42)"These great questions, than which greater never yet came before this most august of human tribunals, are now to receive their authoritative and last solution. Your judgment will live when all of us are dead. The robes which you wear will be worn by others, who will occupy your seats, in long succession, through, I trust, innumerable ages; but it will never fall to the lot of any to pronounce a judgment of greater consequence than this." (p96)Historical BackgroundIn 1864, several prominent Indiana Democrats were arrested by military authorities for disloyal activities. In September, the commander of the Military District of Indiana authorized trials by military commission. During his trial Harrison H. Dodd (1824-1906), grand commander of the Sons of Liberty in Indiana escaped and fled to Canada. He was found guilty, convicted in absentia, and sentenced to be hung. Charges against some others were dropped, and they were released, but the military trial of Lambdin P. Milligan, William A. Bowles, Stephen Horsey, and Andrew Humphreys began in October 1864.Lambdin P. Milligan (1812-1899) was the most prominent of the three. He believed the southern states ha. (See website for full description)
Freedom to Serve": Secretary of Defense’s Copy of Seminal Report on End of Official Racial Discrimination in the Armed Forces

Freedom to Serve”: Secretary of Defense’s Copy of Seminal Report on End of Official Racial Discrimination in the Armed Forces

LOUIS A. JOHNSON Book. Freedom to Serve: Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1950). May 1950 report to President Harry S. Truman by the Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services. Rare presentation edition, bound in decorative brown cloth with gilt lettering, with Secretary of Defense Johnson's name gilt-stamped on the front cover. 82 pp., 6.8 x 9.8 in. "the Committee is convinced that a policy of equality of treatment and opportunity will make for a better Army, Navy, and Air Force. It is right and just. It will strengthen the nation." Historical BackgroundOn July 26, 1948, President Harry S. Truman issued Executive Order 9981 declaring his policy that "there shall be equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed services without regard to race, color, religion, or national origin." The president appointed a committee to examine the military's rules, procedures, and practices and to recommend changes to carry the president's order into effect. The committee (Charles Fahy, former Solicitor General of the U.S., Chairman; Lester B. Granger, executive director of the National Urban League; Dwight R. G. Palmer, Missouri businessman; John H. Sengstacke, African-American newspaper publisher; and William E. Stevenson, president of Oberlin College) made recommendations to the President, and the Secretaries of Defense, and of the Army, Navy, and Air Force.This final report issued by the committee summarizes the actions of the different branches, and recommends additional steps. President Truman responded to this report on May 22, 1950, "Today, the free people of the world are looking to us for the moral leadership that will unite them in a common purpose.to resist Communist imperialism." In accepting these responsibilities, Truman continued, "We shall meet them with the sure knowledge that we can move forward in the solution of our own problems in accordance with the noblest of our national ideals-the belief that all men are created equal."[1]Truman began the process in earnest, even forcing Secretary of the Army Kenneth Claiborne Royall into retirement in April 1949 for refusing to desegregate the army. Still, it took until Eisenhower's administration for the last all-black units to be disbanded in September 1954.Excerpts:"practices resulting in inequality of treatment and opportunity had the sanction of official policy and were embodied in regulations.""To put racial restrictions upon job opportunities seemed to the Committee to ignore completely the essential factor of individual differences. Quite apart from the question of equal opportunity, the Committee did not believe the country or the military services could afford this human wastage.""a policy of segregation made mandatory the assignment of highly qualified Negroes to racial units where there might be no opening for their skills.""The thing that most impressed the Committee about the Navy's experience was that in the relatively short space of five years the Navy had moved . to a policy of complete integration in general service. In this about-face, the Navy had not been primarily motivated by moral considerations or by a desire to equalize treatment and opportunity. Undoubtedly public opinion had been a factor in this reversal of policy, but chiefly the Navy had been influenced by considerations of military efficiency and the need to economize human resources. Equality of treatment and opportunity, the Navy had discovered, was a necessary and inevitable condition and byproduct of a sound policy of manpower utilization.""By the end of the war many high-ranking officers in the Air Force were convinced that the concentration of almost all Negroes in a relatively narrow range of duties had deprived the service generally of many skills which were lost by reason of segregation.""Almost without exception the commanders interviewed by . (See website for full description)
Thomas Paine Asks for Help with His Tenant Farmer and Encloses an Essay on "Hints" for Establishing a Deistical Church

Thomas Paine Asks for Help with His Tenant Farmer and Encloses an Essay on “Hints” for Establishing a Deistical Church

THOMAS PAINE Autograph Letter Signed, to John Fellows, July 9, 1804, New Rochelle, New York. 1 p., 6 3/8 x 8 in. Complete Transcript New Rochelle July 9th 1804Fellow Citizen As the weather is now getting hot in New-York and the people begin to get out of Town you may as well come up here and help me to settle my accounts with the man who lives on the place. You will be able to do this better than I shall, and in the mean time I can go on with my literary works without having my mind taken off by affairs of a different kind. I have received a packet from Governor Clinton enclosing what I wrote for. If you come up by the stage you will stop at the post office, and they will direct you the way to the farm. It is only a pleasant walk. I send you a piece for the prospect. If the plan mentioned in it is pursued it will open a way to enlarge and give establishment to the Deistical Church; but of this and some other things we will talk about when you come up, and the sooner the better. Yours in friendship Thomas PaineI have not received any news-papers nor any number of the prospect since I have been here.bring my bag up with you.[to] Mr FellowsPaine seeks Fellows' assistance. He also informs Fellows that he had received a packet from New York Governor George Clinton (1739-1812), likely verification of his title. (In February 1804, Clinton had been chosen by the Democratic-Republicans to replace Aaron Burr as nominee for Vice President. Jefferson won reelection to the Presidency in November, and Clinton became vice president.)The piece that Paine sent with this letter was likely "Hints toward Forming a Society for Inquiring into the Truth or Falsehood of Ancient History, so far as History is Connected with Systems of Religion Ancient and Modern," which was the ninth of Paine's essays. It probably appeared in The Prospect later in July of 1804. It dismissed the Old Testament as "the contrivance of priest-craft" and "the work of the Pharisees of the Second Temple," not the revelation of God, as Jews and Christians believe.In 1804, Paine joined with Elihu Palmer in founding the Theistic Society. They advocated morals and good deeds, and acknowledged God but rejected revelation, the supernatural doctrines of Christianity and other religions, and church hierarchy. Paine contributed a series of seventeen essays to Palmer's newspaper, The Prospect, or View of the Moral World, published in New York City. The newspaper failed in the spring of 1805, Palmer died a year later, and the movement gradually came to an end.[Docketing:] Tho's Paine's LetterWith July 9, 1804 Handwritten copy of the obituary that appeared in The Evening Post (New York), June 10, 1809, 3:4:] died. June 8. 1809New York June 10 1809 -Died, on the 8. Ins. Thos Paine He had a drive to be interred in the Quaker burying-ground; & some days previous to his demise had an interview with some Quaker gentlemen on the subject; but, as he declined a renunciation of his deistical opinions, his anxious wishes were not complied with. He was yesterday interred at New Rochelle, perhaps on his own farm. I am unacquainted with his age; but he had lived long, done some good, and much harm.[Endorsement by friend and biographer Thomas Rickman:]The hand writing of my old friend Paine (see my life of him) author of Rights of Man, Age of Reason - Common Sense, &c &c &c / 1824 / Clio Rickman".John Fellows Jr. (1759-1844) was born in Massachusetts. He served in the Revolutionary War in the siege of Boston and Battle of Bunker Hill. He graduated from Yale College in 1783, and became a New York City bookseller and publisher. He supported Thomas Jefferson and the Democratic Republicans and wrote books on freemasonry and the controversy over Israel Putnam's actions during the Revolution. After Paine returned to the United States, he boarded for a year in the same house with Fellows. Later in life, Fellows was an auctioneer and a constable in the city courts. Fellows compiled Pos. (See website for full description)
Cato" (William Smith

Cato” (William Smith, first Provost of College of Philadelphia) Opposes Common Sense, and “Cassandra” (Penn’s Professor of Mathematics) Answers

THOMAS PAINE Newspaper. The Pennsylvania Ledger: Or the Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey Weekly Advertiser, April 13, 1776. Including Cato's Letter VI, "To the People of Pennsylvania," attacking Common Sense on political and religious grounds. This issue also prints the first part of Letter II by "Cassandra" [James Cannon]. Philadelphia: James Humphreys Jr. 4 pp., 10 x 16 in. "you have only entertained us with some loose declamations upon abuses in the English government; and shocked us, for want of better arguments, by a perversion of things sacred; filling the papers with personal invectives, and calumnies against all who cannot swallow, at a venture, every crude notion, you may cook up as the politics of the day. This will as little agree with the stomachs of others as with mine; although I have declared that, when the last necessity comes, I have no expedient in view but to take my chance with you, for better and for worse.""Liberty or Slavery is now the question. Let us but fairly discover to the inhabitants of these Colonies on which side Liberty has erected her banner and we will leave it to them to determine whether they would choose Liberty tho' accompanied with war, or Slavery attended by peace." Excerpts -Cato's Letter VI"I charged the author of Common Sense with perverting the Scripture in his account of the origin of the Jewish monarchy. this matter must be treated more seriously, for the sake of a country, in which (God be thanked) the Scriptures are read and regarded with that reverence which is due to a revelation from Heaven; I must therefore endeavour to rescue, out of our author's hands, that portion of the sacred history, which he has converted into a lible against the civil constitution of Great-Britain." (p1/c1)"Here our author erects his standard, and here he compliments himself with the mockery of triumph. 'That the Almighty hath here entered his protest against monarchial government is true, or the scripture is false.'-But I will take the liberty to say, that the scripture is true, and that this author's inference is horribly false. the Almighty would have as strongly expressed his displeasure against the Jews, had they rejected his government for one of their own appointment whether it had been Monarchial or Democratical-to be administered by one man or a thousand men." (p1/c2)"I contend for this-That where a people are left to chuse their own forms of government as has been the case of all the world for some thousand years, there is no particular denounciation of God's displeasure against any Form whether Monarchial or Democratical, under which such a people may think their civil happiness best secured, and their duty to God best performed. You call on me to shew my plan? I have done it. a safe return to a connection with our ancient friends and kindred, accompanied with all the advantages we have formerly experienced, and perhaps more; which I trust are things yet practicable; or, if it should prove otherwise, we can lose nothing by the exercise of deliberation and wisdom in the mean while." (p4/c2)"although you ought to have counted the cost of your work, and have tried to reconcile with your design, a multitude of interests, commercial, political, and oeconomical-you have only entertained us with some loose declamations upon abuses in the English government; and shocked us, for want of better arguments, by a perversion of things sacred; filling the papers with personal invectives, and calumnies against all who cannot swallow, at a venture, every crude notion, you may cook up as the politics of the day. This will as little agree with the stomachs of others as with mine; although I have declared that, when the last necessity comes, I have no expedient in view but to take my chance with you, for better and for worse." (p4/c2)Excerpts - Cassandra to Cato, Number II"Your talent lies in strong painting and declamation, and you expect to hold up such. (See website for full description)
1841 Anti-Slavery Almanac Including Report on Amistad Case and Illustrations of Cinque

1841 Anti-Slavery Almanac Including Report on Amistad Case and Illustrations of Cinque, Grabeau, and Covey, and Summary of 1840 Presidential Candidates Pro-slavery Positions

AMISTAD Pamphlet. The New England Anti-Slavery Almanac for 1841. Boston: J.A. Collins, 1841 [ca. December, 1840]. Original printed and illustrated blue wrappers, stitched. 36pp. 4 1/2 x 7 1/2 in. Inside front cover prints "Things for Abolitionists to Do: Speak for the Slave, Write for the slave. Petition for the slave . Work for the slave; Work for the free people of color." including seeking to establish schools. A Word to Abolition Voters starts below: "Remember, that by voting for a man to fill an office you make him your agent, and if you vote for him knowing that his principles are wrong, when he puts forth those principles in his official acts, those acts are your acts, you are just as guilty as if you had performed them yourself. you become a partner in his sin, and shall be partaker of his plagues. President Van Buren and General Harrison have both publicly taken the side of the oppressor against the oppressed and the God of the oppressed. Both of them glory in it." (Inside front and back cover)Excellent content, especially on the Amistad incident, including portraits of Cinque, Grabeau, and interpreter James Covey. "Judge Judson decided that the prisoners were native Africans, had never been slaves legally; he dismissed the libels with costs, and decreed that the Africans should be delivered to the president of the United States, to be sent back to Africa. But our government, on the demand of the Spanish minister, appealed to the Circuit Court. Judge Thompson sustained the appeal, and as one party or the other would appeal to a higher tribunal. it will be decided January, 1841. Thus these FREE MEN are to be kept in an American jail eighteen months, and at last, perhaps, delivered up to the tender mercies of the Spaniards. None of the Africans have died." (p 22-23)."Abolitionism is- anti-slavery principles ACTED OUT." (p. 15). Also included are "Hints to Anti-Slavery Debaters;" Can Slaves Feel? (p21); Will Slaves, if Emancipated, Cut their Master's Throats? (21); Slave Holders in a Panic. (28-29)"Ecclesiastical Roll of Infamy" and "Congressional Roll of Infamy," listing northern Methodist Episcopal Church clergy who voted to prohibit "colored persons to give testimony against white persons," and Northern congressmen who voted for the Gag Rule, prohibiting Congress from entertaining petitions to abolish slavery in Washington, D.C. (36)OCLC 166625605 records only two locations: Huntington, Clements. Dumond 83 [this imprint]. Drake 4222. Not in LCP.ConditionLightly worn, occasional foxing, several corners folded. Very Good.
Thurgood Marshall Balances Property and Free Speech Rights

Thurgood Marshall Balances Property and Free Speech Rights, in Supreme Court Case that Allowed Union Picketers on Private Property

THURGOOD MARSHALL Printed Document Signed. Opinion of the Court in Amalgamated Food Employees Union Local 590 et al. v. Logan Valley Plaza, Inc., et al., May 20, 1968. With Marshall's light but clear vertical signature on first page. 35 pp., 5.8 x 9.2 in. "We start from the premise that peaceful picketing carried on in a location open generally to the public is . protected by the First Amendment. 'Ownership does not always mean absolute dominion.'"Freshman Supreme Court Associate Justice Thurgood Marshall's opinion on a First Amendment case involving union picketers in front of a Pennsylvania supermarket, balancing private property rights and the freedom of speech. The Supreme Court, in a 6-3 decision, overturns the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's injunction against picketers as too broad. Excerpts:"This case presents the question whether peaceful picketing of a business enterprise located within a shopping center can be enjoined on the ground that it constitutes an unconsented invasion of the property rights of the owners of the land. We start from the premise that peaceful picketing carried on in a location open generally to the public is, absent other factors involving the purpose or manner of the picketing, protected by the First Amendment."". the restraints on picketing and trespassing approved by the Pennsylvania courts here substantially hinder the communication of the ideas which petitioners seek to express to the patrons of Weis. The sole justification offered. is respondents' claimed absolute right under state law to prohibit any use of their property by others without their consent."". we simply repeat what was said in Marsh v. Alabama, 326 U. S. 506, 'Ownership does not always mean absolute dominion. The more an owner, for his advantage, opens up his property for use by the public in general, the more do his rights become circumscribed by the statutory and constitutional rights of those who use it.'""Logan Valley Mall is the functional equivalent of a 'business block,' and, for First Amendment purposes, must be treated in substantially the same manner. "The judgment of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania is reversed, and the case is remanded for further proceedings not inconsistent with this opinion. "It is so ordered.""[Justice William O. Douglas, concurring:] "Picketing is free speech plus, the plus being physical activity that may implicate traffic and related matters. Hence, the latter aspects of picketing may be regulated. Thus, the provisions of the injunction in this case which prohibit the picketers from interfering with employees, deliverymen, and customers are proper. The courts of Pennsylvania are surely capable of fashioning a decree that will ensure noninterference with customers and employees, while enabling the union members to assemble sufficiently close to Weis' market to make effective the exercise of their First Amendment rights."[Justice Hugo Black, dissenting:] "I think that this Court should declare unequivocally that Section (a) of the lower court's injunction is valid under the First Amendment, and that petitioners cannot, under the guise of exercising First Amendment rights, trespass on respondent Weis' private property for the purpose of picketing. I would go further, however, and hold that the entire injunction is valid. I believe that, whether this Court likes it or not, the Constitution recognizes and supports the concept of private ownership of property. The question is, under what circumstances can private property be treated as though it were public?"[Justice John Marshall Harlan, dissenting:] "On the merits, it seems clear from the facts stated by the Court, and from our past decisions that the petitioners have a substantial preemption claim. However, upon examination of the record, I have come reluctantly to the conclusion that this Court is precluded from reaching the merits of that question because of the petitioners' failure to raise an. (See website for full description)
On the Death of George Washington: Testimonials on the "Father of His Country"

On the Death of George Washington: Testimonials on the “Father of His Country”

GEORGE WASHINGTON Newspaper. The Constitutional Telegraph, Boston, MA: Parker's Printing Office, December 28, 1799. 4 pp., 12 1/4 x 19 1/2 in. The nation's first president had died on December 14, 1799, and was interred at Mount Vernon by his family four days later. As the president was laid to rest in the family's receiving vault, vessels in the Potomac River fired a final salute to the commander in chief. Printed within a black mourning border, this newspaper reprints messages from President Adams, secretary and son-in-law Tobias Lear, the House of Representatives, the War Department, the Common Council of New York lauding George Washington, the extract of a letter from Alexandria offering a detailed account of the first president's last hours, and two black-bordered memorials, one from the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati and the other from the Boston Independent Fusiliers. Additional advertisements advising that businesses would be closed out of respect for Washington, and a theater troop performing a monody (ode in the Greek style) in honor of Washington.News reached Philadelphia, then the seat of the federal government, on the day of his burial. Congress and President Adams immediately began planning an official mourning procession for December 26, and this paper of December 28 indicates the respect commanded by Washington to his countrymen.From John Adams's message to the House of Representatives:"It has pleased Divine Providence to remove from this life, our excellent fellow-citizen, GEORGE WASHINGTON, by the purity of his character, and the series of services to his country, rendered illustrious through the world. It remains for an affectionate and grateful people, in whose hearts he can never die, to pay suitable honor to his memory." (p3/c2)ProvenanceEx- Collection of Frederick Nederlander, acquired at Christie's in 1999.
Susan B. Anthony Thanks Supporter for Helping to Roll Up 1894 New York Petition to Change the State Constitution to Enfranchise Women "on equal terms with men"

Susan B. Anthony Thanks Supporter for Helping to Roll Up 1894 New York Petition to Change the State Constitution to Enfranchise Women “on equal terms with men”

SUSAN B. ANTHONY Autograph Letter Signed, to Cornelia H. Carey, October 17, 1895, Rochester, New York. On cream paper. (Likely penned as an inscription to Volume I to III of a History of Woman Suffrage, by Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 1881-1886.) 1 p., 5 3/4 x 9 1/4 in. Complete TranscriptMrs Cornelia H. Carey Brooklyn, N.Y. In grateful recognition of her generous contribution to the New York Woman Suffrage Association. Jean Brooks Greenleaf, President. Mary S. Anthony Cor. Sec'yTo aid the great work of rolling up the mammoth petition - 625.000 - to the Constitutional Convention of 1894. Asking the enfranchisement of the women of the State - on equal terms with men. From her loving friend & coworker Susan B. Anthony Rochester, N.Y. Oct. 17, 1895.Historical BackgroundOn May 8, 1894, 175 New York delegates met for a state constitutional convention in Albany. The New York Woman Suffrage Association (NYWSA) urged the delegates to amend New York's constitution to extend suffrage to women over the age of 21 by removing the word "male" from the constitutional description of qualified voters. The NYWSA campaign raised $10,000 and gathered more than 600,000 signatures. In early August, a newspaper report declared that the number of names on suffrage petitions totaled 624,999, or more than one out of every ten inhabitants of New York. It estimated that at least one quarter of the petitioners were men, meaning nearly half a million women were requesting the right to vote.On August 15, one of the delegates proposed to submit women's suffrage to the people as a separate ballot item from the general constitution. By a vote of 97 to 58, the delegates rejected the proposal. By the time the constitutional convention adjourned on September 29, the delegates had rejected both woman suffrage and even a referendum on the issue.The new constitution shortened the terms of the governor and lieutenant governor from three years to two years, and increased the size of both the state senate and the state assembly. It abolished convict labor and allowed the use of voting machines. Male voters adopted the new constitution in November 1894 by a margin of 56 percent to 44 percent.Jean Brooks Greenleaf (1831-1918) was the president of the NYWSA from 1890 to 1896, and Mary Stafford Anthony (1827-1907), Susan's younger sister, became the corresponding secretary for the NYWSA in 1893.AfterwardsUnder the leadership of Carrie Chapman Catt (1859-1947), the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) focused simultaneously on state-by-state and federal campaigns, linking suffrage to women's participation in World War I and the struggle for democracy. NYWSA advertised and conducted an ambitious house-to-house canvass, collecting the names of 1,030,000 women who wanted to vote. Their referendum was carried by more than 100,000 votes, winning in every NYC borough. Thus, New York granted women the right to vote in November 1917, three years before the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.Susan B. Anthony (1820-1906) was born in Massachusetts into a Quaker family that was committed to social equality. She briefly attended a Quaker boarding school in Philadelphia before her family was ruined financially by the Panic of 1837. Her family moved to a farm near Rochester, New York, in 1845. She was not involved in the Seneca Falls Convention because she was teaching at a school more than one hundred miles to the East, but her parents and her sister signed the Declaration of Sentiments at the subsequent Rochester Women's Rights Convention. Anthony began to speak publicly on temperance, abolition, and women's suffrage. She first met Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815-1902) in 1851, and the two became close friends and co-workers. In 1856, Anthony became the New York state agent for the American Anti-Slavery Society and continued to advocate for women's rights as well. From 1868-1870, Anthony and Stanton published The Re. (See website for full description)
Lincoln’s First Vice President Mulls His Replacement’s Impeachment Trial

Lincoln’s First Vice President Mulls His Replacement’s Impeachment Trial

HANNIBAL HAMLIN Autograph Letter Signed, to Sidney Perham, May 9, 1868, Bangor, Maine. 2 pp., 5 x 8 in. "My impression is . that Mr Wade will not offer me any place, if he shall become Prest. You can hardly tell how we all feel humiliated & mortified here at home, that the vote of Mr. F[essenden]. is the subject of bets on the street by gamblers." In the midst of the impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson, former Vice President Hannibal Hamlin writes to Maine Congressman Sidney Perham, who had voted for Johnson's impeachment. Hamlin correctly speculates that he would not be offered a position if Johnson was removed and replaced by Benjamin Wade. The office of vice president remained vacant after Johnson became president upon the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. Under the Presidential Succession Act of 1792, the president pro tempore of the Senate, then Radical Republican Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio) would become president if Johnson were removed from office.Hamlin then discusses the Republican party's embarrassment over whether Maine's Senator William P. Fessenden (Lincoln's Treasury Secretary from July 1864 to March 1865), would vote on impeachment. Ten former Confederate states had not yet been readmitted, so 27 states were represented in the Senate, with 54 members. To meet the required two-thirds majority, 36 senators had to vote to convict. On May 16, 1868, a week after the present letter, Fessenden committed political suicide. Believing that prosecutors had manipulated the presentation of evidence, and erred in basing impeachment on violation of the questionable Tenure of Office Act, Fessenden joined all nine Democrats and nine other Republicans to vote for acquittal. In each of three votes, the count was 35 to 19 in favor of conviction - one short of the necessary two-thirds majority.Complete TranscriptPrivate Bangor May 9 1868Friend Perham I have your very kind letter of the 4th, and I feel truly how deeply I am indebted to you for your confidence, and friendship. I shall, I trust forget neither. I notice all you so well say on the matter of which you write. I should like much indeed to see and confer with you, for I have some facts which I could give you and some information which I cannot write to any one My impression is, from what I learn, (and what I will explain when I see you) that Mr Wade will not offer me any place, if he shall become Prest. If however he shall, it will be time enough then to determine what, I will or ought to do, and before determining one way or the other, I will probably see you. You can hardly tell how we all feel humiliated & mortified here at home, that the vote of Mr. F[essenden]. is the subject of bets on the street by gamblers. I feel too bad to express my feelings upon it. Yours faithfully H HamlinHon. S. Perham / M.C.Hannibal Hamlin (1809-1891) was born in Maine (then a part of Massachusetts) and managed his father's farm before becoming a newspaper editor. He was admitted to the bar in 1833. Elected as a Democrat to the Maine House of Representatives in 1835, he served from 1836 to 1841. He represented Maine in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1843 to 1847 and in the U.S. Senate from 1848 to 1861. Hamlin opposed the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, and left the Democratic Party for the newly formed Republican Party. In 1860, he was elected as Abraham Lincoln's Vice President. In 1864, to give Lincoln a southern running mate, he was replaced by Andrew Johnson. Hamlin served as Collector of the Port of Boston, but resigned in disagreement with Johnson over Reconstruction policies. In addition to again serving in the U.S. Senate, from 1869-1881, he also served as Minister to Spain from 1881 to 1882.Sidney Perham (1819-1907) was born in Maine (then a part of Massachusetts) and briefly attended Bates College before turning to farming and raised sheep. He served as Speaker of the Maine House of Representatives in 1854, the only year he served in . (See website for full description)
Transferring White Officer to New 107th Regiment U.S.C.T.

Transferring White Officer to New 107th Regiment U.S.C.T.

LORENZO THOMAS Document Signed secretarially for Lorenzo Thomas for Lewis G. Brown, Col. 117th USC Infantry, Louisville, Kentucky, October 7, 1864. 1 sheet, 7 3/4 x 9 3/4 in. Special orders transferring Captain Charles B. Safford from the 117th Regiment to the newly-organized 107th Regiment of U.S. Colored Infantry. Charles B. Safford (1833-1868) - A native of Gilmanton, New Hampshire, Safford was the son of Rev. Dr. Charles G. Safford (1804-1846), a graduate of Dartmouth College and Andover Theological Seminary, and Mary Lancaster Brigham (1808-1882), who remarried in 1849, to Charles H. Estabrook. Charles G. Safford married Clara Safford on September 25, 1860, and they settled in Malta, De Kalb County, Illinois. When the 105th Illinois Infantry organized at Dixon on Sept. 2, 1862, Safford enlisted as a private.Safford had relatively strong antislavery views, and his experiences in the South may have strengthened them. After the Emancipation Proclamation went into effect, the federal army began to raise "colored" regiments. Even while in the reserve, Safford witnessed the impact of war. The 105th Illinois was eventually called into action during the Atlanta Campaign, charging the enemy's works at Resaca on May 13, 1864, and engaging in nearly constant combat for two weeks following. Safford was wounded during the campaign, and wrote to his wife describing the gore in some detail. While recuperating, Safford applied for a commission in a Colored Regiment and was temporarily assigned to the 116th USCT before finally receiving a commission as Captain of Co. H., 107th USCT on Dec. 30, 1864. Organized at Louisville in the late spring and summer 1864, Safford's new outfit was transferred to the Army of James in October 1864, and then to North Carolina from January through August 1865. They were not an idle regiment. During their service, the 107th took part in the Siege of Petersburg, the expeditions to Fort Fisher in Dec. 1864 and Jan. 1865, the capture of Wilmington (Feb. 22, 1865), and the Carolinas Campaign (Mar-Apr. 1865), including Kinston, Goldsboro, and the advance on Raleigh. They witnessed the surrender of Johnson's forces in Raleigh. For his part, Safford earned a brevet promotion to Major for meritorious service on March 13, 1865.From September 1865 until he mustered out in late November 1866, Safford worked at Camp Distribution, Va., shuffling paperwork, completing muster out rolls, and similar bureaucratic necessities of the post-war army. Although he apparently tried to win a commission in the regular army, he did not succeed and wrote that he thought he would return home and paint houses again. Two years after doing so, he died at home in Malta, Illinois, on Oct. 4, 1868.
Dartmouth v. Woodward Landmark Supreme Court Case on Contracts & Corporations

Dartmouth v. Woodward Landmark Supreme Court Case on Contracts & Corporations

TIMOTHY FARRAR Book. Report of the Case of the Trustees of Dartmouth College against William H. Woodward. Portsmouth, New Hampshire: John W. Foster, and West, Richardson, and Lord, Boston, [1819]. First edition. With ownership signature of A. W. Haven and bookplate of William Russell Foster. 406 pp., 5 3/4 x 9 1/2 in. "The opinion of the court after mature deliberation, is, that this [charter] is a contract, the obligation of which cannot be impaired without violating the constitution of the United States."This volume provides a full report of the landmark decision of Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward. After Dartmouth College's president was removed by its Trustees, the New Hampshire legislature attempted to invalidate the College's 1769 charter to make it a public institution, giving the governor the power to appoint trustees. The Supreme Court ruled that a corporate charter (in this case, predating even the establishment of the state) was protected by the contracts clause of the Constitution. The decision upheld the sanctity of contracts as necessary to the function of a republic, and declared that a state legislature could not interfere with contracts between private parties, paving the way for American corporations and the modern free enterprise system. Excerpts:"Upon the decision of the questions involved in this case, depended the title to the whole property and corporate franchises of a useful and respectable literary institution. But the importance of the decision is not limited to a single institution. It is perhaps of equal importance to every other literary and charitable corporation of our country." (piii)Opinion of Superior Court of New Hampshire"A complaint that private rights protected by the constitution have been invaded, will at all times deserve and receive the most deliberate consideration of this court. The cause of an individual whose rights have been infringed by the legislature in violation of the constitution, becomes at once the cause of all." (p209)"In deciding a case like this, where the complaint is that corporate rights have been unconstitutionally infringed, it is the duty of this court to strip off the forms and fictions with which the policy of the law has clothed those rights, and look beyond that intangible creature of the law, the corporation which in form possesses them, to the individuals and the publick, to whom in reality, they belong, and who alone can be injured by a violation of them. This action, therefore, though in form the complaint of the corporation, must be considered as in substance the complaint of the trustees themselves." (p216)"I am aware that this power in the hands of the legislature may, like every other power, at times be unwisely exercised; but where can it be more securely lodged? I think the legislature had a clear constitutional right to pass the laws in question. My opinion may be incorrect, and our judgment erroneous, but it is the best opinion, which upon the most mature consideration, I have been able to form. It is certainly, to me, a subject of much consolation, to know that if we have erred, our mistakes can be corrected, and be prevented from working any ultimate injustice. If the plaintiffs think themselves aggrieved by our decision, they can carry the cause to another tribunal, where it can be re-examined, and our judgment be reversed, or affirmed, as the law of the case may seem to that tribunal to require. Let judgment be entered for the defendant." (p234-35)Daniel Webster's argument before the U.S. Supreme Court"The legislature of New-Hampshire has no more power over the rights of the plaintiffs than existed, somewhere, in some department of government, before the revolution." (p245)"The corporation in question is not a civil, although it is a lay corporation. It is an eleemosynary corporation. It is a private charity, originally founded and endowed by an individual, with a charter obtained for it at his request, fo. (See website for full description)
Star Chart Used During Historic Apollo 11 Flight

Star Chart Used During Historic Apollo 11 Flight, Inscribed and Signed by Buzz Aldrin

NASA Printed Document Signed and Inscribed by Buzz Aldrin. "Carried to the moon on Apollo XI. Buzz Aldrin." Flown sheet from the Apollo 11 Flight Plan, Part No. SKB32100080-201, S/N 1001, figure 9.2-5, printed on recto only. NASA/Manned Spacecraft Center, July 1, 1969. With Buzz Aldrin Typed Letter Signed on his personal stationery. 1 p., 8 x 10 1/2 in. One of the few celestial navigation aids carried on Apollo 11, this star chart played a key role in ensuring the safety of the Apollo 11 crew, as it allowed them to verify their lunar trajectory and update their guidance computer after the first actual Midcourse Correction engine burns, putting them on course for the moon!Aldrin's doctoral thesis was Line-of-Sight Guidance Techniques for Manned Orbital Rendezvous, earning him the nickname "Dr. Rendezvous" from fellow astronauts.If it wasn't possible to use the guidance platform, the astronauts would use the GDC [gyro display coupler] to align with stars 36, Vega (the brightest star in the northern constellation of Lyra) and 43, Deneb (a first-magnitude star in the constellation of Cygnus, the swan.) Together with Altair, Deneb and Vega form the Summer Triangle.Bruce McCandless II, who served as one of the mission control capsule communicators (CAPCOM), and Aldrin set the parameters for Midcourse Correction number 2 (MCC-2). It was actually the first, as Mission Control had already cancelled MCC-1 as unnecessary. The maneuver worked perfectly.From NASA transcripts:025:48:44 McCandless: And I have your Midcourse Correction number 2 PAD here when you're ready to copy.025:48:50 Aldrin: Stand by. [Long pause.]025:49:15 Aldrin: [Faint.] Roger, Houston. Apollo 11, ready to copy MCC-2.025:49:20 McCandless: Apollo 11, this is Houston. Midcourse Correction number 2. SPS/G&N; 63059; plus 0.97, minus 0.20; GET ignition 026:44:57.92; plus 0011.8, minus 0000.3, plus 0017.7; roll, 277, 355, 015; Noun 44, Block is N/A; Delta-VT 0021.3, 00:3, 0016.8; sextant star 30, 208.2, 37.0. The rest of the PAD is N/A. GDC align, Vega and Deneb; roll align 007, 144, 068. No ullage. LM weight: 33302. For your information, your heads will be pointed roughly towards the Earth on this burn. Read back. Over.025:51:12 Aldrin: Roger. Midcourse Correction number 2. SPS/G&N: 63059; plus 0.97, minus 0.20; 026:44:57.92; plus 0011.8, minus 0000.3, plus 0017.7; 277 - Are you still copying, Houston? Over.025:51:50 McCandless: Roger. Still copying. Go ahead. [Long pause.] Apollo 11, this is - Apollo 11, this is Houston. I copied your transmission about roll, 277. And go ahead from roll, 277. Over.025:52:19 Aldrin: Roger. 355, 015; N/A; 0021.3, 00:3, 0016.8; 30, 208.2, 37.0. Vega and Deneb; 007, 144, 068.[1] No ullage. LM weight, 33302. Heads towards the Earth. Over. .026:39:30 McCandless: Read you loud and clear on the High Gain down here, and everything's looking good from our standpoint for your burn. Over.026:39:36 Collins: Okay, Bruce.[Long comm break.]Public Affairs Officer: This is Apollo Control at 26 hours, 40 minutes. We're just under 4 minutes to the midcourse correction maneuver. Apollo 11's distance from the Earth is 109,245 nautical miles [202,322 km]. Its velocity is 5,033 feet per second [1,534 m/s]. Spacecraft weight; 96,361 pounds [43,709 kg].Public Affairs Officer: One minute to the burn.Public Affairs Officer: The duration will be 3 seconds.Public Affairs Officer: Burning. Shutdown.026:45:38 Armstrong: Houston, burn completed. You copying our residuals?026:45:40 McCandless: That's affirmative.Public Affairs Officer: This is Apollo Control. That was a good burn. The residuals are on the order of a half a foot a second or less, and will not be trimmed.Additional Historic BackgroundMidcourse corrections 3 and 4 were also cancelled. We include information on the next similar burn, on the return flight to Earth, Apollo 11 conducted Midcourse Correction number 5 to show how the astronauts were thinking.079:49:21 Collins: We. (See website for full description)
Period Oil Portrait of William H. Seward Wonderfully Executed

Period Oil Portrait of William H. Seward Wonderfully Executed

WILLIAM H. SEWARD Oil Bust Portrait of Secretary of State William H. Seward, ca. 1864. Oil on board, 11 x 14 in. oval; framed to 17 x 20 in. This striking portrait of the Civil War Secretary of State for the United States is unsigned, but a later pencil notation on the verso of the painting reads "C. P. Healey." This note suggests that it is the work of the renowned portrait painter George Peter Alexander Healy. Healy is known to have painted a portrait of Seward,[1] and no other extant Healy portrait of Seward is known.The profile pose is very similar to the 1860s photograph of Seward by Mathew Brady in Washington, D.C.George Peter Alexander Healy (1813-1894) was born in Boston and began drawing at age sixteen and painting portraits at age eighteen. He studied in Europe from 1834 to 1850, with occasional trips to the United States. He returned to the United States and settled in Chicago until 1869, when he again went to Europe for twenty-one years. In 1892, he returned to Chicago, where he died two years later. Among his portraits were those of Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Pope Pius IX, William T. Sherman, and all presidents from John Quincy Adams to Ulysses S. Grant. In a period of twenty years, he executed nearly six hundred portraits. In one large 1851 historical work, Webster's Reply to Hayne, Healy included 130 portraits. He was one of the most prolific and popular painters of the mid-nineteenth century.William H. Seward (1801-1872) was born in New York and educated as a lawyer. He opened a practice in Auburn, New York, and was elected to the New York Senate in 1830 as an Anti-Mason. In 1834, he was an unsuccessful Whig Party candidate for governor, but he won in 1838 and was re-elected in 1840. Elected to the U.S. Senate as a Whig in 1849 by the legislature, Seward won re-election in 1855 and soon joined the Republican Party. By 1860, he was considered the leading presidential candidate for the Republican Party, but opposition from other parts of the Republican coalition gave the nomination to Abraham Lincoln of Illinois. After Lincoln won the 1860 election, he asked Seward to serve as his Secretary of State. Although he tried to preserve peace and prevent the southern states from seceding, Seward devoted himself to the Union cause and helped keep the United Kingdom and France from intervening in the Civil War or recognizing the Confederacy. In April 1865, a co-conspirator to John Wilkes Booth's assassination of Lincoln nearly killed Seward in his bed, recovering from a carriage accident. After recovering, Seward resumed his post as Secretary of State to President Andrew Johnson. He negotiated the purchase of Alaska from Russia in 1867 and supported Johnson during his impeachment trial. He left office at the end of Johnson's term in March 1869.ConditionA few paint splatters and later notations on verso. In its original gold gesso frame. Restored in 2010 by Eli Wilner.ProvenancePurchased at a Tepper Galleries auction in the 1970s. Harold Holzer Collection.[1] America's Greatest Men and Women. Photographs and Biographies of the Most Famous Living People on the Continent (St. Louis: C. O. Tice & Co., 1894), 160.