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PHOTOGRAPH ALBUM OF MANJUI

PHOTOGRAPH ALBUM OF MANJUI, LENGUA AND CHULAPI INDIAN TRIBES IN FILADELFIA, PARAGUAY, 1973

[BROWN FAMILY - MISSIONARIES] 12" x 10" photograph album containing 58 photographs, most black and white and most sized 3 1/2" x 5," that were taken by missionaries to Filadelfia, Paraguay, in 1973. Album begins with 4 black and white photos showing missionaries Judy (?), Harry (?), and Meril, Ruth and Dwight Brown. Fourteen photos of typical scenes around Filadelfia to include cattle, horses tied to posts, horse-drawn carts, city street scenes, market scene, etc. Seven photos of typical scenes of a Chulapi Indian Village showing homes, children playing in dirt streets and even a nurse at the Chulapi Indian village. At bottom of this grouping of pictures states, “The Mennonites in Filadelfia have been working among the Chulapi Indians for many years. Because of the savage Moro Indians of the North the Chulapi and other Indians found safety where the Mennonites had settled. There are over 8,000 Indians who have taken refuge at Filadelfia and other near by Mennonite colonies. In the last eight years the Moro Indians have been in contact with civilization and there are three missionary families working among them.” Four photos of Lengua Indians including a home, a Lengua woman spinning wool and a Lengua Indian family. Twenty-nine 3 ½ x 5" black and white photographs of a Manjui Indian village to include working in the field, spinning , children, men and women working, cooking, an oven, a group shot of a large group of children (what appears to be a school photo), homes, a woman who appears to be caring for an elderly man, women caring for children, an old woman carrying a huge sack on her back, etc. Of the 58 photographs, 42 include pictures of the natives. The Chulupi Indian Mission (Mennonite Brethren), located in the Mennonite Colony Fernheim in the Paraguayan Chaco, had its headquarters in the town of Filadelfia of the same colony. The Chulupi (Nivacle) first came to Fernheim in 1934 from the Pilcomayo River area, southwest of the Mennonite settlement. As more Indigenous arrived the Fernheim churches felt the need for a mission to them and in 1946 the first missionaries were sent to Fernheim by the Mennonite Brethren Board of Foreign Missions of North America, to assist the local churches in this undertaking. The Lengua are one of many nomadic tribes inhabiting the lower Gran Chaco of western Paraguay. With the introduction of Mennonite settlements in the central Chaco in the 1930s, many nomadic tribes semi-settled near the Mennonites. The Mennonites established Missions to many of these tribes, often grouping linguistically similar tribes nearby. The Lengua were settled on La Esperanza mission, southeast of Filadelfia. The Manjui people are an ethnic group belonging to the Mataguayo language family. Traditionally, they made a living by hunting, fishing, gathering herbs and fruits, and small-scale farming. All photos with great detail. A wonderful collection of photographs.
  • $1,200
  • $1,200
SEARIGHT CATTLE COMPANY

SEARIGHT CATTLE COMPANY

[WESTERN BANK NOTE COMPANY, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS] 11.25" x 7.875" unissued stock certificate. Great center vignette of cattle bearing the YM brand. The Searight Cattle Company of Texas was originally established by Gilbert A. Searight who arrived in Burnet County, Texas in 1859. By the 1870's he had established a cattle company in partnership with his brothers. The Searight brothers decided to expand their operations to the Wyoming Territory and in 1877 drove 20,000 head of cattle from Texas to Wyoming where they established the Searight Brothers Cattle Company on the Goose Egg Ranch 10 miles west of Casper. In 1883 Gilbert filed a homestead claim for 640 acres along Poison Spider Creek. According to the report of the Secretary of the Interior in 1883, the Searight Cattle Company was one of the biggest cattle raising operations in Wyoming and in 1886 Dunn's Register listed the assets of the company at over $1,000,000. The expansion of the Searight enterprises in Texas also continued with the establishment of the Dolores Land and Cattle Company with properties in Dimmit and Kinney Counties in 1886. However, the company was overextended and closed down by the end of 1887. The Searight holdings in Wyoming were also reduced and by 1889 its assets were sold to the Penn Cattle Company. Exceptionally fine engraving and printing by the Western Bank Note Company. An exceptionally attractive, unissued stock certificate, in Fine condition (11.25"x7.875").
  • $100
The laws and customes of scotland

The laws and customes of scotland, In Matters criminal. Wherein is to be seen how the Civil Law, and the Laws and Customs of other Nations do agree with, and supply ours

MACKENZIE, George [16], 272, 271-581pp, [1]. With initial order-to-print leaf. Title in red and black. Recent red morocco-backed red pebbled cloth boards, tooled and lettered in gilt, all edges red. Lightly rubbed and marked. Book-label of Lord Aitchison to FEP, scattered spotting, occasional early manuscript notes. Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh (1636/38-1691), Scottish lawyer and essayist, his Laws and Customs of Scotland in Matters Criminal was the first systematic and detailed exposition of Scots criminal law. To begin what would be a prestigious and influential career, Mackenzie assisted in the Midlothian Trials for witchcraft in 1661, providing defence for one of the alleged. Later, during his tenure as Lord Advocate, Mackenzie became the minister responsible for the persecuting policy of Charles II against the Presbyterian Covenanters, thereby being held accountable for the deaths of hundreds due to maltreatment following the Battle of Bothwell Bridge - thus earning him the monicker of 'Bluidy Mackenzie'. The tenth article is devoted entirely to the identification and punishment of practitioners of witchcraft, including determining 'whether a witch can cause any person be possest', whether transformation be possible', 'whether they can procure love by their potions', and 'whether Witches may kill by their looks'. ESTC R217758, Wing M167. Size: Quarto
  • $1,595
  • $1,595
[FRONTIER WARS] Letter written by a worker on Keepit Station

[FRONTIER WARS] Letter written by a worker on Keepit Station, near the Namoi River, New South Wales, dated March 1839.

WOODFORDE, E. H. [Entire letter]. Manuscript in ink on laid paper with Britannia watermark, foolscap folio (320 x 200 mm) bifolium written on 4 sides, cross-written on the first two (6 pages in total); headed Keepit, Namoi River, March 4th /39, and signed at the foot 'Your affectionate son &c. E. H. W.'; the outer side is addressed to Mrs J. Woodforde, No. 40 Union St. Plymouth, Devonshire, England,with Sydney Ship Letter stamp in red dated 16 March 1839, and London arrival stamp dated 21 July, endorsed by Mrs Woodforde with the date of her reply,Sepr. 1839; remains of red wax seal, a few short tears along the original folds; complete, clean and legible (the cross-writing difficult to decipher in a few places, leaving a few words in doubt). An important, previously unpublished letter written by one of the earliest white settlers in the Namoi River district on the Liverpool Plains of New South Wales. Its author, E. H. Woodforde, was a twenty-year-old shepherd working on Keepit Station, a 6500 hectare property near the Mooki River (a tributary of the Namoi). Keepit had been established in 1837 by William Sims Bell(1796-1875), who is credited with earlier bringing the first cattle overland from theHawkesbury to the Hunter River. (Reference is made in the letter to Bell's other property at Cheshunt Park in the Upper Hunter). In a lengthy account, Woodforde describes for his mother back home in Devon what his life is like in this remote region inhabited by "dreadful rogues" and "unhung fellons", in a time of severe drought. Nevertheless, he asks his mother to encourage his sister and brother-in-law to emigrate and join him in his adventure. He divulges his schemes for making his fortune in the "Wild Bush of Australia", and his plans for quitting the country and returning to England as soon as possible after this has been accomplished. In 1818 John Oxley was the first European to explore the Namoi River catchment on the Liverpool Plains, to the west of the Upper Hunter, which was part of the country occupied by the Gamilaraay (Kamilaroi) people. Oxley was followed by both Allan Cunningham and Sir Thomas Mitchell. From the time squatters began to settle in the region around 1826-27, there was frequent armed conflict between the white settlers and the Indigenous population, which was to persist into the early 1840s. Between1832 and 1838 several massacres of Gamilaraay people were perpetrated by whites, including the Waterloo Creek and Myall Creek massacresin 1838 - two of the most infamous episodes in the so-called Frontier Wars. Since it was written in the midst of this tragic period of white-black conflict, the conspicuous absence in Woodforde's letter of any reference to relations - either friendly or hostile - with thelocal Indigenous population at Mooki (or Mocai) River is somewhat surprising. We would expect, had there been an incident of any significance, that Woodforde would have made mention of it, as in his letter he refers to many other interesting (but comparatively mundane) matters such as a gruesome hand injury, collecting bird skins for taxidermy and his enjoyment of the wild melons that grow in abundance, and he takes the time to enumerate the types of game for which he hunts. It is only through the analysis of primary source documents of this type, however, that we can begin to form an accurate picture of what actually took place on the Liverpool Plains during the 1830s. Full transcript of the letter: [Page 1, vertical] 'My dearest Mother,the last letter I sent you was unfinished on account of the Newsman arriving and could not wait for me to finish, it was written at Cheshunt Park, Hunter's River. I am now two hundred miles above that, at Mr Bell's sheep station, who is a great friend of Mr Mathew's. You will see its in the map above Liverpool Plains to the Northward a little in alining [sic] to the west, close to the Mocai [i.e. Mooki] River. There is not Post up as far as this, I am obliged to wait till somebody is going down else I should have written to you before. I received your last [letter] about a week back dated the 16th of September and a most welcome letter it was. By the time you receive this I shall be one and twenty. I hope you will give a good party of young Ladies on that day, but be sure and let them quarrel about me, for I do not mean to marry yet. I hope I shall be able to get my money out as soon after that time as I can. I intend after I have purchased my supplies and things to buy Bank Shares and get ten per cent for my money and Rent about two thousand sheep for a few years which will give me a very good start. We are in a dreadful state now for want of Rain, all our crops have failed this year and flour is now very high indeed, 27£ a tun [sic] and rising every week. I do not know what we shall do if God does not send us some Rain. Soon all our Stocks will die of starvation, this is the Rainy month but as yet there is no appearance of it, but we must live in hopes. I hope in a few years to be able to afford a hundred pounds to have your likeness taken which I am determined [to do], first money I safe [sic] it shall be for that. I daresay you will laugh at my talking of a hundred pounds but I assure it is impossible for me to notso make money. [Page 2, vertical] If I am industrious and work hard it will be only for three or four years and then (as the phrase is here) I shall get money in spite of my Teeth, and besides we shall have steam vessels here in another two years and then I shall be able to come home in six weeks and stay a month or two and then go back again. I wish very often my dearest Mother that I could help you [with] some of the bills, but the Fates have decreed otherwise. We are to be parted for a few years but I hope not for ever. I have to make my fortune in the Wild Bush of Australia, but I hope it will not take long, and then I will return once more to my patrrnal roof, there to end my days in happiness and have a few lively children to sit on my knee
  • $1,245
  • $1,245
[NEW SOUTH WALES] Manuscript letter written by a young female convict

[NEW SOUTH WALES] Manuscript letter written by a young female convict, Elizabeth Morris, sent to her father from Chester Gaol while awaiting transportation for life. 5 November, 1833; [and] a letter from the Governor of the Gaol, advising Elizabeth’s father on how he should present two petitions to have his daughter pardoned to his local MP. 24 January, 1834.

MORRIS, Elizabeth I. Folded letter sheet. Small quarto bifolium (207 x 160 mm), laid paper watermarked 'Dewdney & Tremlett 1832'; manuscript in ink, [2] pp; headed 'Chester, Nov 5th', the letter is written in the hand of Elizabeth Cheatham (Morris), whilst in the Chester City Gaol where she was being held pending removal to the hulks prior to transportation. Elizabeth writes: 'My dear Father & Mother, I am sorry to afflict your tender hearts with my misfortunate Destiny after all the good advice you have boath given me. I was taken up for taking some money and sentenced to be Transported for Life and expect to go of every day and should be very happy to see you boath for the Last time and to hear from my Brothers and Sisters and hope the[y] will take warning by my unfortunate Fate, and if you will be so kind to send me a Little Money to get some little things for my Journey . [I] solemnly declare I never received one penny of the Money I am going Abroad for but had I taken your good advice I should not have come to this unfortunate End. May God Almighty Bless you all from your unfortunate Daughter. Elizabeth Cheatham, Chester City Gaol. Pleas to come as soon as possable and bring a few of my Cloaths with you.'; the third side is occupied by a short note addressed to Mr Cheatham by a Gaol official, who advises: 'If you wish to see your daughter you must be at Chester before Friday next. On that morning she will leave Chester City Gaol for Woolwich. She goes by the name of Elizabeth Morris.'; the panel on the outer side is addressed in Elizabeth's hand to 'John Cheatham, Bagley near Elismere (i.e. Ellesmere), with speed', and is postmarked 'CHESTER NO 5 1835'; original folds with several old tape repairs (but no loss of content), toning, remnants of black wax seal; complete. II. Folded letter sheet. Small quarto bifolium (205 x 160 mm), laid paper with Britannia and crown watermark; manuscript in ink, [1] page; headed 'Chester, Jany. 24th 1834', an autograph letter by George Jepson, Governor of the House of Correction & City Gaol, addressed to Elizabeth's father: 'Mr Cheatham, Herewith you will receive the petition for your Daughter together with the one you got signed and you must get some respectable individual to give the two petitions to the Member for Salop for them to present them to the Secretary of State, and then I think there will be a chance; but why should they call her Chestwood while her name is Cheatham; but if you will get them presented regularly I have not a Doubt all will be well. When you write please pay the postage as your Daughter has no money and I have to pay it out of my own pocket. I am, Yours Truly, Geo. Jepson, Govr. of the the House of Correction & City Gaol'; the panel on the outer side is addressed 'John Cheatham, Bagley, nr. Ellesmere'; original folds, toning, complete. This pair of unpublished letters shines a light on the tragic story of a young woman from the small rural village of Bagley in north Shropshire. In August and September 1833, at the age of 21, Elizabeth Cheatham had twice been arrested for being a common prostitute, but was found not guilty on each occasion.On 15 October 1833 she was arrested along with two men and charged with assaulting William Hesketh on the King's Highway and stealing 9 shillings. Of this crime she was found guilty, and sentenced to death on 25 October. Her sentence, however, was commuted to transportation for life. As we learn from these letters, two petitions pleading for Elizabeth to be pardoned were organised by her father and by the Governor of the Chester Gaol himself, George Jepson, while Elizabeth was still incarcerated there. Despite Jepson'sglibly optimistic remark that 'all will be well', the petitions clearly failed to impress the authorities: Elizabeth was duly taken from Chester to the hulks at Woolwich, and on 3 July 1834 - under the name Elizabeth Morris - she wasput on board the convict transportGeorge Hibbertalong with 143 other female convicts, bound for New South Wales, where she was to serve a life sentence. The George Hibbert arrived at Sydney Cove on 1 December 1834, and as early as January 1835 some of the prisoners were already in trouble. The Sydney Herald reported: 'The female prisoners who lately arrived per George Hibbert, seem fully equal to the task of rivalling in bad conduct those renowned damsels who arrived in the Colony a few years ago by the Roslin Castle and Lucy Davidson, and who were so noted at the time for their bad behaviour. Scarce a day passes without a batch of George Hibberts being placed at the bar of the Sydney Police.' Once in New South Wales it appears Elizabeth abandoned the use of her father's surname Cheatham altogether - perhaps out of fear it would shame her family. Her convict record gives her name as Elizabeth Morris, alias Chepwood, alias Chatter. George Jepson had already questioned why some petitioners knew her as Chestwood (a misreading of Chepwood on his part?), and not Cheatham. Elizabeth was sent to the Hunter Valley region, first to Patrick's Plains (Singleton) and later on, Newcastle, where she spent periods in the Gaol and in Female Factory. She was assigned at various times to Job Harris, John Smith and Major Sullivan. (Several extracts from her convict record are provided below). In June 1839 she married ex-convict Roger Cook Gofton (1789-1872) at Christ Church Cathedral, Newcastle. (Ex-convicts and free-settlers were encouraged to visit the female convict factories in order to choose a wife, as it was considered that marriage usually had a reformative effect on women convicts; the husband was responsible for his wife's upkeep from that point on, lessening the burden on the colonial purse).Gofton had been convicted at the York Assizes in 1816 and, like Elizabeth, was sentenced to transportation for life, arriving in Sydney on the Fame in 1817. He was granted a conditional pardon in 1836. Around the time of her marriage - it is not clear whether a few days before or afte
  • $1,902
  • $1,902
Stephen Owen

Stephen Owen, officer in charge of the commissariat at the Moreton Bay Penal Settlement, New South Wales : autograph letter, dated 11 July 1834, carried ‘per favor’ to London.

OWEN, Stephen (1801-1880) Entire letter headed 'Moreton Bay, New South Wales, 11 July 1834', addressed to a close acquaintance of Owen's, 'Mr. Charles Hudson, to the care of J. O'Neil Esq., Quarter Master General's Office, Horse Guards, London'; manuscript in ink written in a neat hand on 2 sides of a quarto bifolium, on wove paper watermarked 'C. Wilmot 1832'; the letter is signed at the foot 'Very faithfully yours, Stephen Owen'; the address panel on the outer side has an intact red wax armorial seal with initials 'S.O.' and lion rampant; there are no postal markings, as the letter predates the official postal service (which commenced in 1838) and would have been carried 'per favor' by an unidentified party; original folds, short tear at edge of address panel, otherwise clean and legible. A previously unpublished and unrecorded letter, possibly the earliest extant item of private outwards correspondence from Moreton Bay. Stephen Owen, an officer of the Commissariat Department, arrived in Sydney as a cabin passenger on the female convict transportPrincess Royal in May 1829, accompanied by his wife Rachel (née Fletcher), whom he had married in London in 1827. Their first born child had died during the voyage. After working briefly in various locations in New South Wales, including Liverpool, Emu Plains and Bathurst, in January 1834 Owen was appointed officer in charge of the commissariat at the notorious Moreton Bay Penal Settlement, where he would be stationed until 1839. The settlement at Moreton Bay was the feared destination for the most violent, hardened and recidivist convicts in New South Wales, infamous for its rates of death and disease, the sadistic brutality of its convict overseers, and the prisoners' punishing daily regimen. We can only surmise that Owen, whose father was secretary of theBritish and Foreign Bible Society, and who was described by the Quaker James Backhouse, whom he met during his 1837 visit to Moreton Bay, as a 'very interesting and pious man', was a remarkably resilient character, forced (along with his family) to witness great human suffering and deprivation in this remote hell on earth. Owen and Rachel's second child Charlotte had been born in Liverpool, New South Wales (1831), while Stephen, junior (1835), Marion (1837), and John Henry (1839) were all born at Moreton Bay. Rachel died at Moreton Bay in August 1839, within a month of giving birth to John Henry. Faced with the prospect of raising four children alone, in May 1840 Stephen married Rebecca Crook (b. 1817, Tahiti), daughter of missionary William Pascoe Crook, in Scot's Church, Sydney, following his recall from Moreton Bay. Rebecca would bear him nine more children, the last born in 1857. In October 1836, following her shipwreck ordeal and rescue, it was to Stephen Owen's house at Moreton Bay that Eliza Fraser was brought to make her initial recovery, and a letter written by Owen and sent to his brother-in-law William Wilberforce, junior, contained perhaps the first account of her experience in her own words. That letter was published in John Curtis' Shipwreck of the Stirling Castle . (London, 1838). In his retirement in Tasmania Owen wrote an autobiography, which he completed in 1873 (the original manuscript is now in the State Library of Victoria). It was published in the year of his death asMemoir of Stephen Owen (Launceston, 1880). Transcript of the letter: 'My dear Charles, With much pleasure was received Anne's letter of December 1833, and I take the earliest opportunity of replying to it. I fear from Anne's account that you have suffered much hardship since we left England, but it is a great mercy that Anne has been so wonderfully supported in all her trials. My memory is very defective but to the best of my recollection I wrote several times to you after our arrival in this Colony - and I think you only wrote once in reply. However, Anne has certainly in her last letter given a full account of the circumstances in which you have been placed since we left you, and although it is painful to read of the troubles & afflictions of those who are dear to us, still it would have been far more distressing to us to have remained in a state of uncertainty. The length of time that is occupied in the passage from England to this Colony and back is so considerable, that possibly this letter may find you in different circumstances from those in which you were placed when Anne wrote to us, so that I scarcely know how to advise you. As regards our own circumstances, we have been fighting against difficulties, since we arrived in the Colony, but by the great mercy of God, we have been enabled to stand our ground, and our worldly affairs, as well as the concerns of our souls I trust, are beginning to prosper. Life under any circumstances is very uncertain, and such is the inferior state of my health, that my life is peculiarly precarious. I repeat therefore that I scarcely know how to advise you. I do not feel myself justified in recommending you to come out to this distant Colony, but if you were here, Anne would of course find a home with Rachel so long as we have a home ourselves, and I would strive to find you employment, although this Colony is beginning to to be overstocked by those who are looking for employment. Rachel has so great an objection to letter writing that she has neglected writing to her family; and I am not free from blame, as I ought to have written to them, both on Rachel's account and my own. I purpose writing to them. We have been travelling about very much since we arrived in the Colony - this is our sixth station. I think that the fatigue has impaired Rachel's health. She is not nearly so strong as she was. Our little Charlotte [b. 2 Feb 1831,Liverpool, New South Wales] is very well in health. Rachel sends her love to Anne and with our united best wishes, for the happiness of both of you. Believe me, very faithfully yours, Stephen Owen'. The Moreton Bay Penal Settlement: Following Oxley's survey of the Mor
  • $4,842
  • $4,842
An Essay on the Law of Bailments. Boston

An Essay on the Law of Bailments. Boston, 1796

Jones, Sir William Boston: Samuel Etheridge, for John West, 1796. First American Edition of Jones on Bailments Jones, Sir William [1746-1794]. An Essay on the Law of Bailments. Boston: From the Press of Samuel Etheridge, for John West, 1796. 178, [1] pp. 12mo. (6-1/2" x 4"). Recent quarter cloth over marbled boards, gilt title and author name to spine, colored (renewed) endpapers. Light browning to interior, occasional light foxing, faint dampstaining to fore-edge of first 70 pp., light soiling to a few leaves, ownership signatures (of Ben Hazard and Sibyl Horne? Amery, the latter dated 1899) to front endleaf, additional signature (Ben Hazard) to head of title page. $150. * First American edition, a reprint of the first London edition, 1781. One of the first significant books to use principles derived from Roman and civil law sources, this influential treatise played an important role in the introduction of their ideas into Anglo-American jurisprudence. Kent admired this work, as did Marvin, who praised its "artistic and scholar-like finish" (Marvin). Sir William Jones was a distinguished Orientalist and a brilliant jurist. A friend of Johnson, Gibbon and Burke, he was a judge of the High Court at Calcutta from 1783 until his death. Marvin, Legal Bibliography 428-429. Hoeflich, Roman & Civil Law and the Development of Anglo-American Jurisprudence 38-39. Cohen, Bibliography of Early American Law 2419.
  • $150
13 Year Books of Henry VI

13 Year Books of Henry VI, Years 1-20

Year Books; Henry VI 13 Year Books of Henry VI, Years 1-20 [Year Books]. Henry VI [1421-1471], King of England. De Termino Michaelis Anno Regni Regis Henrici Sexti Primo. [London: Imprynted.In Fletestrete within Temple barre at the signe of the Hand and starre, by Rychard Tottyl, Anno. 1570]. viii ff. [Bound with] [12 Year Books of Henry VI, Years 2-20]. [London: Richard Tottell, 1567-1574]. Collates complete. Contemporary paneled calf, central blind arabesques, holes for ties or catches at fore-edges, rebacked and recornered in period style with raised bands, blind fillets and lettering piece to spine, endpapers renewed. Light rubbing, scuffing, faint dampstaining and a few small holes to boards, moderate rubbing to board edges, corners bumped and lightly worn, (illegible) ink annotation to fore-edge of text block, hinges cracked, faint offsetting to endpapers, later owner name (William Humfrys) and ink and pencil "4" to front pastedown. Moderate toning to interior, annotations and underlining in ink in a (likely single) early hand to most leaves, very light foxing and soiling in a few places, small holes or missing corners to a few leaves without loss to text or annotations. An impressive collection. $8,500. * It is difficult to overestimate the importance of the Year Books. As a series of notes on debates and points of pleadings in Norman England they are of crucial primary sources for our knowledge of medieval common law. They also provide a richly detailed portrait of contemporary English life, customs and manners. The origin of the Year Books is unknown. Some scholars believe the earliest volumes were notes transcribed by law students for study and for the use of lawyers in later cases while others maintain they were made by lawyers. Though it is not known when the first manuscript volumes were compiled, the cases date from the 1270s to 1535. Printed editions of the Year Books were first issued by William de Machlinia between 1481 and 1482. The present titles belong to the so-called "Quarto Edition." Not a set or edition in the conventional sense, these volumes were issued separately with various dates and impressions between 1522 and 1619. The extensive annotations to our volume, primarily case and statutory citations, indicate detailed review by an early reader and demonstrate the utility of the Year Books to legal schola.
  • $8,500
  • $8,500
Le Tierce Part des Reportes del Edward Coke Lattorney Generall.

Le Tierce Part des Reportes del Edward Coke Lattorney Generall.

Coke, Sir Edward [London]: In aedibus Thomae Wight, 1602. First Edition of the Third Part of Coke's Reports Coke, Sir Edward [1552-1634]. Le Tierce Part des Reportes del Edward Coke Lattorney Generall le Roigne, de Diuers Resolutions & Iudgements Donnes auec Graund Deliberation, per les Tresreuerend Iudges, & Sages de la Ley, De Cases et Matters en Ley, Queux ne Fueront Vnques Resolue, Ou Adiudges par Deuant, Et les Raisons et Causes des Dits Resolutions et Iudgements, Durant les Tresheureux Regiment de Tresillustre et Renomes Roigne Elizabeth, Le Fountaine de Tout Iustice, Et la Vie de la Ley. [London]: In aedibus Thomae Wight, 1602. [18] pp., 91 ff. Lacking final leaf, a blank; text complete. Folio (10-1/2" x 7"). Recent calf, blind fillets and lettering piece to spine, endpapers renewed. A few minor scuffs and scratches to boards. Light toning to interior, faint dampstaining to lower corner and right margin not affecting text, very light foxing and soiling to a few leaves, clean tear to bottom-edge of leaf C3 not affecting text, occasional annotations, underlining and manicules in two early hands (most in a single hand). $1,500. * First edition. Contains the cases of the Marquee of Winchester, Heydon, Dowtie, Sir William Harbert, Boraston, Walker, Butler and Baker, Ratcliffe, Boyton, Sir George Browne, Rigewaie, Lincoln College, Pennant, Westbie, Deane and Chap. de Norwich, Fermor, Twine and The Case of Fines. Coke's Reports are not reports in the conventional sense, but highly detailed anthologies of precedents organized according to the cases they consider. In each instance Coke assembled a large body of cases, outlined their arguments, and explained the reasons for the judgment, using it as a basis for a statement of general principles. Taken together, the Reports form the most extensive and detailed treatment of common law pleading that had yet appeared. A work of immense authority, it was often cited as The Reports, there being no need to mention the author's name. The annotations to our copy are brief glosses and case citations. English Short-Title Catalogue S469030.
  • $1,500
  • $1,500
De Criminibus ad Lib XLVII et XLVIII Dig Commentarius