Autograph letter signed. - Rare Book Insider
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Autograph letter signed.

8vo. 1 p. Printed address. Punch holes to the upper border. „Mrs. Humphrey Ward would be much obliged if Messrs. Williams & Norgate would send her their new series of the New Theological Library, & she will send her BP 1.1.0 as soon as she receives Weizsäcker’s book [Carl von Weizsäcker, The Apostolic Age of Christian Chruch (1894-95)]". - She worked to improve education for the poor setting up a Settlement in London and in 1908 she became the founding President of the Women's National Anti-Suffrage League.
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Le Capital. Traduction de M. J. Roy, entièrement revisée par l’auteur.

Tall quarto (277 x 194 mm). Contemporary black quarter roan, dark brown pebble-grain cloth over boards, green page marker. 2 engraved title pages, 1 engraved portrait frontispiece with autograph, facsimile autograph letter from Marx to the publisher, dated 18 March 1872, with Lachatre's reply to verso, engraved head- and tailpieces. Text in two columns. First edition in French, first issue, a fine presentation copy, inscribed by Marx to the Frankfurt banker Sigmund Schott, with whom Marx exchanged ideas central to his philosophies and work: "Mr Sigmund Schott, de la part l'auteur, Londres, 3 Novembre 1877" to the first engraved title page. Presentation copies of Capital are exceptionally rare, with only seven others having been offered at auction in the last 60 years, just two of those being the first edition in French as here. Sigmund Schott was a German bank director and journalist. He was also a literary critic, bibliophile, and corresponded with the some of the most important intellectual figures of the epoch. In certain editions of Marx's correspondence, Schott was misidentified as the German politician (1818-1895), with whom he shared the same name. As a result, the importance of the relationship between the young banker and the philosopher has perhaps been underexposed. Schott and Marx wrote to one another on a number of occasions over several months, and in the letter that originally accompanied the present volume - and bears the same date as the inscription: 3 November 1877 - Marx details his approach to constructing Capital. "Dear Sir," Marx begins. "My best thanks for the packages. Your offer to arrange for other material to be sent to me from France, Italy, Switzerland, etc. is exceedingly welcome, although I feel reluctant to make undue claims on you. I don't at all mind waiting, by the by, nor will this in any way hold up my work, for I am applying myself to various parts of the book in turn. In fact, privatim, I began by writing Capital in a sequence (starting with the 3rd, historical section) quite the reverse of that in which it was presented to the public, saving only that the first volume - the last I tackled - was got ready for the press straight away, whereas the two others remained in the rough form which all research originally assumes." Marx then goes on to mention the volume now offered: "I enclose a photograph herewith, because the copy of the French edition that goes off to you at the same time as this letter only contains a very far from flattering likeness done from a London photograph by a Parisian artist. Your most obedient Servant, Karl Marx." This letter, so frequently referenced in critical treatments of Capital, not only sheds light on the genesis of one of the most significant philosophical works to emerge in the last two centuries, but also underscores the author's openness and perhaps even his humour. Additionally, it offers an important contextual background for the presentation copy at hand. Given the nature of other examples of correspondence between the two men, it would seem that Schott and Marx regularly exchanged ideas pertaining to banking and social economy. In a letter sent from London, and dated 29 March 1878, Marx wrote to Schott: "I have, though somewhat belatedly, obtained Volume IV (Industrieactien) of the Saling, to which you so kindly drew my attention. I did not wish to reply to your letter until I had at length had time to run through the thing, and have found it very useful Finally, I have one more thing to ask of you, namely to be so kind, provided it is not too time-consuming, as to let me have a list of the names of Perrot's published writings on the subject of joint-stock companies, etc." Given the tenor of this letter, it would seem that Marx quite relied on Schott for information relating to the financial theories of the day, and that Schott was eager to supply Marx with literature relevant to his work. Le Capital was published in France in 44 "livraisons" between August 1872 and May 1875. Marx began revising Capital for the second German edition in December 1871, which was also the month in which Lachâtre agreed to publish a French edition. In January 1872 Marx recruited Joseph Roy to prepare a French translation and concluded a publishing agreement with Lachâtre. As well as making important revisions for the second German edition, Marx began "to revise, indeed rewrite, the translation" (Draper, p. 174) over the next three years. While the second German edition was published in 1873, Marx continued to exert strict control over the French edition, making additions and corrections to the galley proofs for the parts even as they were being published (Draper, p. 190). He was very clear about its unique value as distinct from the second German edition and strongly advised that even those familiar with the German language editions consult the French edition for further accuracy. For this reason these changes were "taken into account when at length the first English translation, by Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, appeared in London, in 1887, four years after Marx's death, under the editorship of Engels" (PMM). When the final fascicule was printed in November 1875, the complete set was published in 10,000-11,000 copies. From certain indications found in the correspondence of Marx, it seems likely that the French government, who must have frowned upon the appearance of Das Kapital in French, tried to prevent its publication, which for a certain time was interrupted by the authorities. When the publication was finally completed, rumours abounded that its sale was to be forbidden and the publisher Lachâtre hesitated to sell copies. As noted, any presentation copy of Capital is exceedingly rare. - The volume present here ranks among the finest of these presentation copies. The correspondence surrounding it yields a particularly unique and significant sense of historical context, offering an important point of association related to o
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Autograph Letter Signed, “Alfred”.

4 pages, small 8vo, written on a folded sheet; horizontal fold. To his brother Robert, in Swedish, explaining that the delayed response is due to his slavish commitment to duty, thanking for sending photographs of his son Hjalmar, remarking that Hjalmar seems happiest of the Nobels, speculating that happiness is the greatest virtue, wondering whether the telegram got through to him because there was no listing for Åby [village in Norrköping, Sweden], explaining that he could not go to Saint Petersburg due to illness and commitments relating to business in Baku [Azerbaijan], considering discontinuing relationship with Berlin banking firm Disconto-Gesellschaft, and remarking that the largest market for selling the shares would be in Russia.". . . I'm too much of a philosopher to consider anything to be really imposing, but you get into a certain circle of influence and if you have a trace of the twisted quality of duty, you slave until you drop. "Thanks for the photographs of [Robert's son] Hjalmar. The sun has not flattered him: his own appearance is, as I remember it, yet another whole degree . . . more beautiful and graceful. He is also, I think, the only one truly happy among the Nobels, and in my eyes, it is the highest among virtues, even though it often leads to vice . . . . "As to your telegram, I was at a loss as to how to address the reply. Åby, as a telegraph address, is not listed here . . . . Hope it came out anyway. You ask if I am traveling to Petersburg. . . . [L]ately I have been incredibly tired and by no means in satisfactory health. I've even started taking medication, which I loathe and which I don't resort to without . . . good reasons. If I felt healthy enough for that, I would certainly have gone. But [my] presence would be needed to get the Baku actions ready to go . . . . Disconto Ges[ellschaf]t in Berlin . . . are overly cautious and I assume that one could become independent from them. The biggest market for these shares will certainly be in Russia, but capital increases will hardly exceed . . . 8% dividend. . . ."
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Autograph Letter Signed.

2 pages, 8vo, "United States Lines" stationery, written on a folded sheet; tiny hole at fold intersection (without loss to text), faint scattered soiling. (SFC) Aboard S.S. American Importer. To Senator from NJ A. Harry Moore, praising the NJ State Police and especially Superintendent Norman Schwarzkopf for their help in 1932 [when Lindbergh's son was kidnapped]. "I believe it will interest you to know how highly we have come to regard the officers and personnel of the New Jersey State Police since you appointed them to assist us in 1932. During this time I have learned to have the utmost confidence and respect for Col. Schwarzkopf and his organization. I feel that their work has always been carried on with great perseverence [sic] and efficiency; and with absolute honesty. "Certainly there is nothing more essential to good government than an honest and intelligent police force. I believe that the New Jersey State Police are deserving of the fullest support and cooperation; and that it is essential to the welfare of every community that they receive such support." On May 12, 1932, the lifeless body of Charles and Anne Lindbergh's infant son was found after having been abducted from home 11 days earlier and after a ransom payment had been made. Although the NJ State Police were the first on the scene, the FBI began coordinating the investigation on the following day. By tracing the ransom money, Richard Hauptmann was captured, tried in what was dubbed at the time as the "Trial of the Century," and executed for the murder.
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Herr Vogt. [Bound with 15 additional rare pamphlets].

8vo (149 × 222 mm). VI, (2), 191, (1) pp. With 2 marginal marks and 4 manuscript corrections in Marx's distinctive hand written in black ink, very slightly cropped when bound into the volume. Near contemporary half-cloth binding (pebble grained cloth and marbled boards, spine ruled in blind and lettered "Ecrits divers" in gilt). Stored in custom-made red half morocco solander case. First edition of Marx's longest polemical work, which he took the best part of a year away from the writing of "Das Kapital" to complete, this copy containing the author's autograph corrections. Levelled at the polical writer and democrat of 1848, Karl Vogt (1817-95), the book is an answer to the slanders against himself, Engels and their supporters which had appeared in Vogt's 1859 pamphlet, "Mein Prozess gegen die Allgemeine Zeitung". A former member of the German pre-parliament, Vogt had become professor of geology in Geneva in 1852. When in June 1859 the "Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung" circulated the rumour that he was a paid agent of Napoleon III, Vogt suspected, not without justification, that Marx's circle was behind the report. In fact, only in May had the Baden revolutionary and refugee Karl Blind privately revealed to Marx his knowledge of Vogt's entanglements (as here recounted on p. 58), and since Marx took no pains to be discreet about the matter, the story had quickly found its way into print; the feature in the Allgemeine Zeitung to which Vogt objected had merely reprinted an anonymous leaflet authored by Blind himself. Vogt sued the paper for libel, and the suit was tried at the Augsburg district court on 24 October 1859. No proof of the accusation was produced (against Marx's hopes, Blind - who had been called as a witness - denied all knowledge of the matter), and the charge was ultimately dismissed on technical grounds. Vogt exploited his moral victory by publishing the shorthand report of the court proceedings, bolstered with copious documents, so as to expose the communists as traitors and conspirators. Although Marx was already weary of the affair, he picked up the gauntlet: in this rebuttal of nearly two hundred pages, he answered "Vogt line for line and charge for charge [.] Marx spares neither wit nor invective in demolishing his opponent" (R. A. Archer, in the preface to his 1982 English translation). A fine example of Marx's talent for merciless satire as well as of his often prolix attention to detail, the book had little or no public effect: even when in 1871 the Paris Commune raided the government archives and produced proof that Vogt indeed had been in the pay of the Bonapartists, Marx's vindication escaped general notice. "An important historical document, and a classic example of irreconcilable political controversy" (cf. Sauer & Auvermann V, 2340). - In the present copy, Marx has made reading marks to pages 59 and 60, highlighting the name of Andreas Scherzer, an exiled radical journalist and protagonist of the London-based "German Workers' Educational Association". He further makes two corrections to the date events took place, one on page 155 (correcting "März" to "September"), the other on page 160 (changing "24" to "20"), and further corrects two errors on page 188 ("en exchange" to "en echange" and "du vieux hermite" to "le vieux hermite"). Bound with this famously overlong polemic, clearly once in the personal possession of Marx, are 15 additional brochures and pamphlets. They would appear to have been assembled by a German radical democrat in English exile; indeed, several of them were written by Karl Blind or reflect his known interests and associations, making it plausible that the present volume was made up for him. - Front joint weakened, corners worn, inner joints cracked but cords very firm; front free endpaper a little chipped along fore edge; final leaf of text with small portion torn away and repaired, affecting the last seven lines of text on the recto, with loss of approximately 30 letters (the missing text supplied in photocopy, errata on verso unaffected). Some light soiling, but generally very good. - Marx-Engels Erstdrucke 26. Stammhammer I, 145, 22. Draper ST/M 51. Rubel 567. Sprache: de
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Der Congreß an den Bund.

8vo. 8 pp. Disbound; Japanese paper spine. Stored in custom-made red half morocco solander case. The only known copy of this founding document of communism, the final stepping stone towards the Communist Manifesto. The eight-page leaflet is a circular addressed to the "Bund der Kommunisten" ("Communist League") by the participants of its second and final congress. The League, a revolutionary, socialist secret society, had been formed but a few months previously as a successor to the "Bund der Gerechten" (the "League of the Just"). The pioneering new name was adopted under the guidance of its new members Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels at the League’s first congress, held in London from June 2 through 9, 1847. Their ideas re-framed the League as an international organization with a coherent programme. Although the League would be formally disbanded in 1852, it is considered the precursor of the International Workingmen’s Association, the first Marxist political party, and the nucleus of all later communist parties. - The League’s second congress was held in Brussels from November 29 to December 8, half a year after the first. On both occasions the respective accounts were published under the heading "Der Congreß an den Bund": the former on June 9 and the present, latter one on December 15 ("1848" being a misprint for 1847). No copies of either of these two publications are recorded in library catalogues or in the usual bibliographical reference works. Only one or two copies of the circular of the First Congress are known: one in the estate of the Hamburg socialist and "Bund" member Joachim Friedrich Martens (SUB Hamburg, acquired in 1912); the other, apparently, in the Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen der DDR im Bundesarchiv (formerly in the Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus beim Zentralkomitee der SED, but not currently listed in the SAPMO’s catalogues). While this first circular was republished in 1969 (in Bert Andréas’s collection "Gründungsdokumente des Bundes der Kommunisten"), the present circular of the Second Congress has so far remained unknown to scholarship. As the Bund was still a secret society, the first circular was pseudonymously signed "Heide (Sekretär)" and "Karl Schill (Präsident)", standing for Wilhelm Wolff and Karl Schapper, respectively. While the name of Schapper, the president, is given undisguised in the present second circular, it may therefore be more than a simple typographical error that the secretary’s name is here rendered as "J. Engels". - In his article "On the History of the Communist League", written and published in 1885, nearly four decades after the event, Engels provides what has become the received version of the genesis of the Communist Manifesto: "[at the Second Congress Marx] expounded the new theory in a fairly long debate [.] All contradiction and doubt were finally set at rest, the new basic principles were unanimously adopted, and Marx and I were commissioned to draw up the Manifesto". It is reasonable that Engels’s account should be a retrospective condensation of a more complicated process, albeit one of which few contemporary documents have survived. Interestingly, the use of the term "Manifest der kommunistischen Partei" is not entirely consistent throughout the circular: it is stated that a work so titled, which was to replace the "Communist Creed" passed at the First Congress, had already been compiled, drafted, translated into various languages, and even enacted (p. 1 f.), but had yet to be published. Also, it was decided at the Congress that such a "Manifesto" should appear annually in various languages (p. 7). The "Manifesto" of 1847 is said to have been drafted by taking into account all suggestions submitted by members of the League (p. 7); it is also said already to have given the Communist movement its proper expression (p. 2). The present circular as here published is referred to as the "organ of the League in its new appearance" (p. 8), and the forthcoming issue thereof is promised to contain the text of the Manifesto, which all subscribers are asked to disseminate as widely as possible, as it is to embody a brief summary of the Party’s position and will serve as a guideline to the Party’s propaganda, proving to the world that the communists are aware of their own position, as of those of all other proletarian parties (p. 8). - These passages shed new light on the development of the famous text, fleshing out Engels’s compressed narrative. And yet his account remains fundamentally accurate: at the Second Congress Marx took on the assignment to develop the Communist Manifesto into a publishable text, working from whatever sources or previous drafts he may have had, and together with Engels completed the task within several weeks. This December 15 publication, giving the final account of the plans and decisions of the League before the publication of the "Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei" two months later, just in time for the February Revolution of 1848, must be regarded as a founding document of Communism, recording the very moment when the great motor of the Manifesto was ignited. - It is very likely that this circular, the only known specimen in the world, was originally in the collection of a revolutionary who was - at least for a time - close to Marx: previously bound up with a collection of pamphlets apparently assembled by a German radical democrat in English exile (arguably Karl Blind, 1826-1907), including a first edition of "Herr Vogt" with Marx’s autograph corrections, it was removed from this volume for conservational reasons and is now stored within an acid-free portfolio. - Not in Rubel, Stammhammer, Erstdrucke Marx Engels etc. No copies recorded in OCLC or KVK. Not in the 700-page catalogue of the books owned by Marx and Engels published in MEGA. Sprache: de
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Eigenh. Brief mit U.

4to. 2 pp. Doppelblatt. Mit Adresse und Siegel. Brüche in den Falten; der untere Teil des Briefes lose. An M. Nutly in Paris. Bewegendes Schreiben über den nahenden Tod seines Beschützers Friedrich Wilhelm III. von Preußen [er wird am nächsten Tag, dem 7. Juni 1840, sterben], und über seine komplizierten Beziehungen zu Paris. „Notre très bon et très excellent Roi, qui fut pendant vingt ans mon meilleur ami, mon Père, touche à son heure suprême! et peut-être au départ de cette lettre il ne sera plus!! La consternation générale et le deuil, depuis huit jours, je ne peux pas vous les peindre! il semble que la mort plane dans les airs [.] Il meurt au milieu de toute son inombrable Famille de trois générations! il n y manque que l empereur Nicolas, que l on attend [.] Puis il parle de l Institut, et explique sa conduite envers l Académie des Beaux-Arts (où il a été élu le 15 juin 1839): tout dépend de ma volonté! mais, tant que l Opéra, et le ministre de l Intérieur me couvriront de leur mépris, je me tiendrai le plus loin possible de Paris! et s ils ont l infamie de donner mon Cortez, sans que j y assiste, malgré mon opposition, je n y remettrai jamais le pied, et je les vouerai tous à l infamie, à l opprobre; je crierai à l assassinat de mes ouvrages [.]" - Dann überträgt er, mit Anmerkungen versehen, den Brief, den ihm der zukünftige König Frédéric-Guillaume IV. am 29. Mai über sein Werk zur Reform der Kirchenmusik geschickt hat. „le Prince royal fait l éloge du travail de Spontini, partage son constat, et encourage son projet: Tachez de faire de manière que les Églises Allemandes (du culte romain) profittent des Bibliothèques de musique sacrée [.] En général la musique des églises catholiques d Allemagne est presqu aussi mauvaise que celle en Italie, évitant cependant le scandale de mélodies profanes [ ]"
  • $1,646
  • $1,646
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2 Briefe mit eigenh. Unterschrift „Law”.

Folio. 4 pp. À Christian-Louis de Montmorency-Luxembourg, prince de Tingry.Lettres écrites dans les derniers mois du système financier de Law, qui compte toujours sur le soutien du Régent, avant sa banqueroute et sa fuite à l’étranger. Elles sont adressées au Prince de Tingry, lieutenant-général du Roi en Flandre française, et futur maréchal de Montmorency. 6 mars. Il a reçu en même temps sa lettre et celle de M. Méliand [intendant des Flandres]. «La cherté des denrées que cause l’augmentation du prix des especes de billon, quoy qu’elles ne soient pas portées à toute leur valeur, par raport au prix actuel des especes d’or et d’argent, cessera par les nouveaux ordres que S.A.R. se propose de donner sur ce sujet; et je croy même que l’on pourroit remedier dèz a present aux inconveniens de cette cherté, du moins à l’egard des ouvriers employez dans les manufactures, en engageant les entrepreneurs de ces manufactures à leur payer quelque chose de plus que par le passé pour leurs journées». Il ne doute pas que la présence du prince «ne contribüe beaucoup à calmer l’inquietude trop vive que cette cherté passagere peut exciter parmy le menu peuple».21 mars. Sa lettre du 17 «confirme les avis que j’avais déjà reçû du cours avantageux des billets de banque dans les villes de Flandres; et il y a lieu d’esperer que la faveur en augmentera de jour en jour. Mais il n’est pas possible que la banque ait d’autres correspondans que les directeurs des monoyes; le commerce et la circulation feront le reste naturellement».On joint une P.S. par les directeurs de la Compagnie des Indes (Corneault, Fromaget, Gattebois, Hardancourt, Lenormant et Thiroux), ordonnant à leurs commis et préposés de laisser passer le prince de Tingry, porteur en Flandres de 10000 livres, suivant les instructions de Law, ici retranscrites, Paris 15 février 1720 (1 page et demie in-fol.).
  • $10,973
  • $10,973