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Ephemerides motuum caelestium ex anno 1775 in annum 1786 ad meridianum Bononiae es Halleii tabulis supputatae.

Zanotti, Eustachio (1709-1782) Quarto: VII, 384. With an engraved frontispiece, engraved title vignette, and 3 folding engraved plates. In 1750 Zanotti produced a volume covering 1751-1762. In 1762 he published another volume for the years 1763-1774. This volume, for 1775-1786 was the last published in Zanotti?s lifetime. In 1786, his successor at the observatory, Petronio Mateucci, published a final volume for 1787-1798.Like the astronomer Eustachio Manfredi, his godfather, Zanotti belonged to a prominent family distinguished in the arts, letters, and sciences. The son of Gian Pietro Zanotti and Costanza Gambari, he was educated by the Jesuits and entered the University of Bologna, becoming Manfredi?s assistant at the Institute of Sciences in 1729. He graduated in philosophy in 1730 and obtained his first university post, as reader in mechanics at Bologna, in 1738, after presenting his trial lecture on the Newtonian theory of light. The following year he succeeded Manfredi as director of the Institute observatory, a post to which he dedicated himself almost exclusively for the next forty years, never marrying and declining all offers from other universities. He began teaching hydraulics at the university in 1760, having been requested by the government to supervise works on rivers and waterways. His publications in this field include a work on the characteristics of riverbeds near the sea (1760) that remained in print for almost a century. Zanotti wrote the last part of Manfredi?s Elementi della geometria, ?according to the method of indivisibles?; and his lucid and informative Trattato teorico?pratico di prospettiva (1766) was intended for painters as well as mathematicians.Zanotti established a reputation as an astronomer even before Manfredi?s death, through the discovery of two comets, to the second of which (1739) he attributed a parabolic orbit. In 1741, under his direction, the new instruments that Manfredi had ordered from Sisson?s were installed at the Bologna observatory: a mural quadrant 1.2 meters in radius and a transit instrument with a focal length of about one meter. In 1780 he added a movable equatorial telescope made by Dollond.With the acquisition of Sisson?s instruments, Zanotti?s observatory became one of the finest in Europe. In 1748 and 1749, with his assistants G. Brunelli and Petronio Matteucci, he carried out repeated observations of the sun and planets, and complied a catalog of 447 stars, all but thirty?three of them within the Zodiac. The work was published with additions in 1750 as an appendix to the new edition of Manfredi?s introductory volume to his ephemerides. Zanotti continued to publish the ephemerides with scrupulous care; three volumes covered the period 1751-1774, and a fourth was published posthumously by Matteucci in 1786.Zanotti?s principal observations and descriptions, including some on occultations of stars by the moon, concern six comets (1737, 1739, 1742, 1743-1744, Halley?s comet of 1758, and 1769), four lunar eclipses (December 1739, January 1740, November 1745, June 1750), three solar eclipses (August 1738, July 1748, January 1750), the aurora borealis (December 1737, March 1739), and transits of Mercury (1743, 1753) and of Venus (1751) on the sun.In 1750 Zanotti was invited by the Paris Academy of Sciences to participate in a major international research project, the main purpose of which was to measure the lunar parallax. His observations provided the program with some of its most accurate results.Zanotti?s accomplishments also included the restoration in 1776 of Gian Domenico Cassini?s sundial in the church of San Petronio. The displaced perforated roofing slab forming the gnomon was raised slightly, restoring the instrument to its original height. The old deformed iron ship representing the meridian was removed and a solid foundation was laid as a base for new level marble slabs with the new brass meridian strip. Accurate geodetic and topographic measurements made in 1904 and 1925 have verified that th
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P. Virgilii Maronis Opera interpretatione et notis illustravit Carolus Ruaeus Soc. Iesu? ad usum Serenissimi Delphini. Editio Secunda

Vergilius Maro, Publius (70-19 B.C.) Quarto: [xxvi], 864, [clxxxviii] pp. Signatures: a4, e4, i4, õ1, A-5Q4, a-z4, [2d]a4 (lacking blank 2G4). With an added engraved frontispiece. A pleasing copy of the Delphin Virgil, edited by the great Jesuit orator and classicist Charles de la Rue (Carolus Ruaeus) (1643-1725). The ?Delphin Classics? were dedicated to Louis de France, ?le Grand Dauphin? (1661-1711). The series was the work of thirty-nine scholars and was edited by Pierre-Daniel Huet, who was working with Jacques Bousset, tutor to the Dauphin. Schweiger 1170-1171. A very fine copy, bound in contemporary mottled calfskin, the spine elaborately and richly tooled in gold. The spine is separated into compartments by raised sewing supports. The second compartment bears a large red morocco label beautifully tooled in Roman capitals: ?RUAEI VIRGILIUS? The boards are framed by two decorative rules. The binding is in excellent condition with only light wear, the corners lightly bumped. Internally, the text is in very good condition, with occasional light foxing and toning. There is a small dampstain in the gutter in the first two signatures of the Aeneid. The engraved frontispiece, with a central scene showing Arion and the dolphin (an allusion to the Dauphin) and a medallion portrait of Vergil, is just a trifle foxed. Engraved vignettes introduce the Bucolics, Georgics & Aeneid. SECOND EDITION of the Delphin Vergil; this issue was printed ?Ex Typographia David Roger 1689.?.
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An Authentic Detail of Particulars relative to the Late Duchess of Kingston. A New Edition.

Chudleigh, Elizabeth (c. 1720-1788)] Octavo: . pp. [ii], ii, 174, [18]. Collation: [A]2, B-Z4, A2, [?]4, [??]4. With an added engraved frontispiece of the Duchess, with breasts exposed "as she appeared at the Venetian Ambassador's Ball in Somerset House" (by Chesham after Gainsborough). The Scandalous Life of Elizabeth ChudleighA Very Fine copy of the First Edition A fascinating, contemporaray biography of the courtier and bigamist Elizabeth Chudleigh, Duchess of Kingston, granddaughter of the poet Mary Chudleigh (1656-1710), from whom ?she seemed to have inherited no notable literary tastes or talents?(Rizzo) Elizabeth was notorious for her sexual escapades, daring, and profligacy. She studiously cultivated this image, referring to herself (in the third person) thus: ?She was both wasteful and penurious; the most enormous sums were expended to gratify her love of display, at the same time that she refused to incur some trifling necessary expense in her household? The lady was exacting, vain, and violent almost to fury? raised to the highest rank a subject could attain, [she] became only the more arrogant and capricious.?(Memoirs)As Betty Rizzo has demonstrated, Chudleigh modeled her behavior on some of the most scandalous women in the novels of the eighteenth-century.?Elizabeth Chudleigh?s devastatingly triumphant and destructive career is probably best understood as inspired by the careers of the imperious court vixens in the pages of Delariviere Manley so it is not surprising that her initial courtship and subsequent abuse of her companions follow the pattern of the Duchess of Cleveland?s in ?The Adventure of Rivella.? The duchess was demonstrably Chudleigh?s model. For Chudleigh, as for her close contemporaries Elizabeth Montagu and Frances Greville, there were both older Restoration models and newer models of sensibility to choose from and to combine, and Chudleigh?s choice was absolute. She was neither a brilliant intelligence nor a reader but she had clearly very early got the ?New Atlantis? (1709) by heart. The models in the works of Manley of powerful, profligate, passionate, and willful women impelled the girl, already beautiful, irresistibly charming, passionate, and willful into both profligacy and power. For Chudleigh the Restoration court ideology about women still worked when at twenty (in about 1740) she arrived at the court of the Prince of Wales. When in 1776 at fifty-six she was tried for bigamy, her assumptions had become outrà , her self-conducted defense failed, and she escaped burning in the hand only because her despised husband had succeeded to an earldom. She had to flee England forever.?To attempt to exculpate Chudleigh would be fruitless, for she often deliberately behaved like a monster. Her generosity, frequently noted by herself and her beneficiaries, was directed not toward worthy, needy objects but toward those who best flattered and served her. Her passage through the world did not render it a better place.?(Betty Rizzo, Companions Without Vows, ch. 4, Elizabeth Chudleigh and her maids of honor, p. 61 ff.)The scandal that led to her flight from England in 1777 was many years in the making. In 1744 Chudleigh secretly married Augustus John Hervey. This secrecy allowed her to remain at court. In 1749, after the birth and death of their infant son, and in the face of Elizabeth?s unfaithfulness, Hervey ?severed all relations with her? When Hervey seemed to be on the cusp of gaining his ailing brother?s earldom, Elizabeth confessed her marriage to the dowager of Wales and had her marriage officially recorded. In 1768, Hervey sought a divorce in order to marry another. This resulted in a court case in which the marriage was ruled not to have taken place.In 1769 she married the Duke of Kingston. When he died in 1773, his will stipulated that Elizabeth must remain a widow in order to receive the duke?s income and estates. Evelyn Meadows, the duke?s heir, disputed the will and had Elizabeth tried for bigamy. Elizabeth?s trial took place th
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Satyricon, Cum Fragmento nuper Tragurii reperto. Accedunt diversorum Poetarum Lusus in Priapum, Pervigilium Veneris, Ausonii cento nuptialis, Cupido crucifixus, Epistolae de Cleopatra, & alia nonnulla. Omnia Commentariis, & Notis Doctorum Virorum illustrata. Concinnante Michaele Hadrianide. [With] Integrum Titi Petronii Arbitri Fragmentum, Ex antiquo codice Traguriensi Romae exscriptum; cum Apologia Marini Statilii I.V.D.

Petronius Arbiter, Titus (d. 66 A.D.) Octavo: I. *8 (-*1, blank), **8, ***2, A-Z8, Aa-Oo8, Pp4, Aaa-Lll8; II. *4, A-F8, G4 (lacking blank leaf G4) With an added, engraved title page by Romeyn de Hooghe (1645-1708). The first integral printing of all the extant fragments of Petronius, including the?Dinner of Trimalchio? Michael Hadrianides? 1669 edition of Petronius is the first to incorporate the ?Fragmentum? discovered in Trau, Dalmatia, which contained the hitherto unknown text of the ?Cena Trimalchionis? and is also "the first edition to contain all the fragments of the novel that we currently possess? This copy is bound together with the ?often lacking- 1670 edition of the ?Fragmentum?, which prints the text as it appeared in the manuscript, here edited by Johannes Lucius, with the Apologia of Marino Statileo, who discovered the manuscript in Dalmatia."The story of Petronius? partial rescue during the Renaissance is full of twists and ironies; Petronius himself would have enjoyed it. He was saved from oblivion by Poggio Bracciolini?s discovery, in 1420 in Cologne, of a manuscript containing Carolingian excerpts written continuously. This version, which favored verse and dialogue over description and narration and attempted to repress the novel?s exuberant homosexuality, formed the basis of the editio princeps, published in Milan in 1482. It was not until the sixteenth century that scholars doubled the amount of text available. The first expanded edition, the editio Tornaesiana, was published in Lyon in 1575 but did not contain the still unknown ?Dinner of Trimalchio? The ?Cena? had been copied for Poggio in 1423 in Florence, but then vanished; the text was not rediscovered until almost a century later, by Marino Statileo in Trogir in Dalmatia, and was not published until 1664.? (Conte)It is Poggio?s copy, which disappeared while on loan to Niccolo Niccoli, and not the original Cologne manuscript, that reappeared in Dalmatia around 1650. It?s publication ?in a very incorrect state? in 1664 ?immediately gave rise to a fierce controversy, in which the most learned men of that day took a share, one party receiving it without suspicion as a genuine relic of antiquity, while their opponents, with great vehemence, contended that it was spurious. The strife was not quelled until the year 1669, when the MS. was dispatched from the Library of the proprietor, Nicolaus Cippius, at Traun, to Rome, where, having been narrowly scrutinized by the most competent judges, it was finally pronounced to be at least three hundred years old, and, since no forgery of such anature could have been executed at that epoch, the skeptics were compelled reluctantly to admit that their doubts were ill founded.?(Allison) Schmeling & Stuckley, Bibilography of Petronius, 71 & 78; Gaselee (Bibliography of Petronius), 49 & 51; Schweiger II p.723; Brunet IV 574; Graesse Vol 5 p. 239; Dibdin (4th ed.) Vol II, p. 276. Literature: See M.S. Smith?s 1975 Oxford edition of the ?Cena Trimalchionis?, pp. xxii-xxiii and xxxvi; See also Alfred R. Allinson?s introduction to his translation of the ?Satyricon.? Bound in contemporary stiff vellum. A nice copy with generous margins. Both title pages bear Blaeu?s device.
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Aula. Dialogus.

Hutten, Ulrich von (1488-1523) Quarto: [23] ff. A-E4, F4 (lacking final blank leaf F4) Against the Unchristian Vices of Court Life Hutten?s famous satire on courtly life. It is dedicated to Heinrich Stromer von Auerbach, court physician of the Mainz Elector. At the end is a verse ?Prognosticon ad annum. M.D.XVI. ad Leonem .X. Pont. Max.? (Hutten?s warning that if Leo X engaged in war with the Emperor Maximilian, Italy would be destroyed) and a publisher?s advertisement of Hutten?s ?Ebrietatis laus? (in praise of drunkenness.) ?Ulrich Von Hutten (1488-1523) was an important German humanist, neo-Latin poet, and political publicist in the service of the Reformation. Born into a family of imperial knights in Steckelberg castle in Franconia, Hutten entered the school of the Benedictine abbey in nearby Fulda in 1499. Against the will of his parents he left that school in 1505 and spent the following six years at the universities of Mainz, Cologne, Erfurt, Frankfurt an der Oder, Leipzig, Greifswald, and Rostock, where he became part of the broad humanist circle??On his way to Italy to study law he visited Joachim Vadian in Vienna and other humanists in the circle of the Emperor Maximilian. He then turned from personal literary interests to political matters. After studying at the universities of Pavia and Bologna and serving briefly in the army of Maximilian, Hutten returned to Germany in 1514. There he met Erasmus, who expected much of the young poet and who dedicated his epistolary biography of Thomas More to the young aristocrat? During his second stay in Italy (1515-17) he wrote a series of epigrams denouncing not only the enemies of the Emperor Maximilian-the French and the Venetians-but also Pope Julius II. ?On his return from Italy Hutten was crowned poet laureate by Maximilian and entered the service of Albert of Brandenburg, archbishop of Mainz, as councilor; in four dialogues Hutten nonetheless castigated not only the luxury and moral excess of the papal court and the concept of celibacy but also Rome?s fiscal exploitation of the German nation.?Despite his antipapal stance, Hutten initially viewed the controversy following Luther?s postings of the Ninety-five Theses in Wittenberg as a monk?s squabble and a welcome rift among his opponents. It was only after two years of virtually ignoring Luther, after the Leipzig Disputation of June-July 1519, that Hutten began to consider himself as an ally. Although Luther?s opposition to Rome was rooted primarily in religious-theological concerns and Hutten?s was prompted by political-national aspirations, the two men exercised considerable influence on each other.?In 1520 Hutten embarked on a feverish campaign in which he challenged the Emperor, the German nobility, the princes, the cities and the general reader to take up the fight against Rome, if necessary, with arms. During the Diet of Worms he, next to Luther became the most prominent representative of the antipapal party in Germany. Realizing in the wake of the Diet that a general uprising would not occur, Hutten launched the so-called ?Priests? War? in the hope that it would provide the spark that would ignite the German powder keg. In 1522, having lost the protection of Sickingen, Hutten fled to Basel and then, in 1523, to Zurich, where he died, alone, on 29 August of Syphilis? (Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation)Hutten?s ?Aula?:?The moral dilemma posed by court life was acute for university graduates who found themselves faced with the advancement potential offered by the court and the threat of damnation implicit in its many vices. The challenge to lead a life in the imitatio Christi tradition lay not only in the display of wealth in court life but also in the mainly secular ends served by court activities. ?The critique of Hutten, emphasizing his literary intentions in using fictions and satire, seems to ignore the fact that his criticisms are drawn from personal experiences. Recognizing the potential for misinterpretation, however, Hutten sought to d
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Poems, (&c.) on Several Occasions: with Valentinian: a Tragedy. Written by the Right Honourable John late Earl of Rochester.

Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, John. (1648-80) Octavo: A8, a8, B-R8. [12], xv, [1], 154, [14], 369-449, 449-462, [1] pp. A4, chi2, *8, B-C8, D8 (±D3,D7) E-L8, 2A4, 2B-2G8. The Libertine This is the first authentic edition of Rochester?s poems. The volume was edited by Thomas Rymer who has provided a critical preface, additions, and amendments to correct the pirated editions that had appeared in 1680 and 1685. This is the first edition to include Rochester?s tragedy ?Valentinian.??During Rochester?s lifetime only a few of his writings were printed as broadsides or in miscellanies, but many of his works were known widely from manuscript copies, a considerable number of which seem to have existed? In February of 1690/91, Jacob Tonson, the most reputable publisher of the day, produced a volume entitled ?Poems On Several Occasions.? The appearance of the author?s name and title on the title page is significant. It may indicate that this edition was produced with the approval of the Earl?s family and friends, and it is possible that they may have intervened to prevent the publication of Saunders?s projected edition [license obtained from the Stationer?s Company by Saunders in November of 1690, no edition was ever produced]. Tonson?s edition is introduced by a laudatory preface written by Thomas Rymer, which states that the book contains ?such Pieces only, as may be receiv?d in a vertuous Court? and is therefore to be regarded only as a selection of Rochester?s writings. Nevertheless it contains, in addition to twenty-three genuine poems that had appeared in the [pirated] Antwerp editions of 1680, sixteen others, including some of Rochester?s best lyrics. No spurious material seems to have been admitted to this collection, but there is a possibility that salacious passages may have been toned down to suit the taste of a ?virtuous Court.???[Wilmot] is one of these English poets who deserve to be called ?great? as daring and original explorers of reality; his place is with such memorable spiritual adventurers as Marlowe, Blake, Byron, Wilfred Owen and D. H. Lawrence. Like Byron and Lawrence, he was denounced as licentious, because he was a devastating critic of conventional morality. Alone among the English poets of his day, he perceived the full significance of the intellectual and spiritual crisis of that age. His poetry expresses individual experience in a way that no other poetry does till the time of Blake. It makes us feel what it was like to live in a world which had been suddenly transformed by the scientists into a vast machine governed by mathematical laws, where God has become a remote first cause and man an insignificant ?reas?ning Engine.? [See ?A Satyr Against Mankind] In his time there was beginning the great Augustan attempt to found a new orthodoxy on the Cartesian-Newtonian world-picture, a civilized city of good taste, common sense and reason. Rochester?s achievement was to reject this new orthodoxy at the very outset. He made three attempts to solve the problem of man?s position in the new mathematical universe. The first was the adoption of the ideal of the purely aesthetic hero, the ?Strephon? of his lyrics and the brilliant and fascinating Dorimant of Etherege?s comedy. It was a purely selfish ideal of the ethical hero, the disillusioned and penetrating observer of the satires. This ideal was related to truth, but its relationship was purely negative. The third was the ideal of the religious hero, who bore a positive relation to truth. This was the hero who rejected the ?Fools-Coat? of the world and lived by an absolute passion for reality. In his short life Rochester may be said to have anticipated the Augustan Age and the Romantic Movement and passed beyond both. In the history of English thought his poetry is an event of the highest significance. Much of it remains alive in its own right in the twentieth century, because it is what D.H. Lawrence called ?poetry of this immediate present, instant poetry ? the soul and the mind and body surging at once, noth
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Chiliades Adagiorvm: Opvs Integrum Et Perfectum D. Erasmi Roterodami, locupletatum & recognitum, quem admodum in extremis conatibus autori uisum est ; Acceßit indicibus antiquis in hac impreßione nouus & tertius .

Erasmus, Desiderius (ca. 1466-1536) Folio: [88], 3-874, [1] pp. A-d6, e8, f-g6, A-Z6, Aa-Zz6, Aaa-Zzz6, Aaaa-Dddd6 (last leaf is blank.) ?Friends hold all things in common?A Truly Handsome Copy of Erasmus? ?Thousands of Adages? A very rare Cologne edition of Erasmus? beloved and extraordinarily influential ?Adages?, first conceived as a collection of proverbial sayings drawn from the Latin authors of antiquity elucidated for the use of those who aspired to write an elegant Latin style. In its first incarnation, the ?Adagia? consisted of about eight hundred proverbs. The present version, Erasmus' "Adagia Chiliades" (?Thousands of Adages?) is more than just a vastly expanded edition of that first enterprise:"A glance at its composition reveals that the ?Adagia Chiliades? was in fact -as well as in name- a new book, and that Greek scholarship was largely responsible for the difference. Instead of 818 adages there were 3,260. Of those, about four-fifths were either new or substantially altered in form. And 2,734 contained Greek passages of two to six lines or more in length.?(Renaissance Humanism, vol. 2, pages 232-233). ?In the dedication Erasmus pointed out the profit an author may derive, both in ornamenting his style and in strengthening his argumentation, from having at his disposal a good supply of sentences hallowed by their antiquity. He proposes to offer such a help to his readers. What he actually gave was much more. He familiarized a much wider circle than the earlier humanists had reached with the spirit of antiquity.?Prior to the ?Adages?, the humanists had, to some extent, monopolized the treasures of classic culture, in order to parade their knowledge of which the multitude remained destitute, and so to become strange prodigies of learning and elegance. With his irresistible need of teaching and his sincere love for humanity and its general culture, Erasmus introduced the classic spirit, in so far as it could be reflected in the soul of a sixteenth-century Christian, among the people. Erasmus made current the classic spirit. Humanism ceased to be the exclusive privilege of a few. According to Beatus Rhenanus he had been reproached by some humanists, when about to publish the 'Adagia', for divulging the mysteries of their craft. But he desired that the book of antiquity should be open to all." (Huizinga, p. 39-40) Van der Haeghen I, 4; Bezzel, 83; VD16 E 1944 A very fine copy bound in contemporary pigskin over beveled wooden boards, tooled in blind. The clasps lacking, some scuffing and soiling to lower board, otherwise a very nice binding. Internally a beautiful copy with the lightest of occasional soiling. Gyminus? fine hippocamp device appears on the title.
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Marcus Tullius Ciceroes thre bookes of duties, to Marcus his sonne, turned out of latine into english, by Nicolas Grimalde. Wherunto the latine is adioyned. Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum

Cicero, Marcus Tullius. (106-43 B.C.); Grimald, Nicholas, (1519-1562), translator Octavo: [par.]-2[par.]8, A-X8 The Tudor Cicero I. Cicero in Early Modern England:English schoolboys of the 16th century were required to write ?themes?, a type of essay, usually on a moral topic. For this exercise, ?it was acknowledged that there was no substitute for studying the writings of ancient authors, above all Cicero, who, as always (in humanist eyes), provided benchmarks for technique and moral teaching in one package. The [Ciceronian] text most often recommended and studied in school was ?De Officiis?, often referred to in England as ?the Offices? of ?the Duties? At one level, this comprised three books of moral advice written specifically for his son, Marcus, then a student at Athens, on the behavior appropriate to his position and on the duties of a Roman gentleman. But at another, Cicero was writing a work of practical ethics in which he betrayed his concern with the social and political ambiguities of his age, and the difficulty of taking moral decisions when honorable conduct clashed with beneficial or expedient action. While schoolmasters focused on the first level, theorists and thoughtful adults looked more at the second. As a result, this became one of the most frequently reprinted classical works in early modern England.?The bibliographical history of the ?De Officiis? is unusual in that at first there were more bilingual editions in Latin and English than in Latin alone. There was the version by Robert Wittington, publisher of many grammars in the 1510s, including ?the thre books of Tullyes offyces? in 1534 and 1540. This translation was criticized by Nicholas Grimald in his ?Marcus Tullius Ciceroes thre bokes of duties?, which first appeared in English in 1556 but ran through seven English/Latin editions from 1558 [the edition offered here] to ca. 1600 ?Grimald was highly regarded as a humanist scholar in his own day, not only for his Latin poems and plays, but also for his translations, paraphrases, and commentaries on a number of classical and humanist texts. Though closely associated with reformers under Edward VI, Grimald dedicated his ?Duties? to the Marian diplomat Bishop Thomas Thirleby, explaining that he himself had read Cicero?s text five times, noting new points each time, and had become so convinced that nothing indicated ?the pathway to all virtue? better, ?only Scripture excepted?, that he wanted it to be available to more than just the best-educated reader.?(Ian Green, Humanism and Protestantism in Early Modern England, pp. 201-203 and ff.)II. Cicero and the ?De Officiis?:"To have his program of moral philosophy accepted, Cicero needed to overcome much resistance. Roman culture was traditionally averse to philosophical, speculative thought, in which it saw an undue avoidance of duties towards the state and the community. The task Cicero took on was precisely that of demonstrating how, in profoundly altered times, the performance of those duties was not possible unless the philosophical thought of the Greeks had first been absorbed and reflected upon. In Panaetius, who had been able to furnish the Roman aristocrats with a model of life firmly rooted in their national usages, he was able to find a stable point of reference for a discourse that could move easily between theoretical thought and the enunciation of precepts valid for everyday life. "The three books into which the ?De Officiis? is divided deal, respectively, with the honorable, the useful, and the conflict between them. For the first two books the source is the treatise ?On Duty? (Peri tou Kathekontos) by Panaetius of Rhodes; the third is a rather eclectic compilation from various sources. Panaetuis, who had been part of the circle of Scipio Aemilianus, had given Stoic doctrine a markedly aristocratic stamp. It is likely that the intended audience for his treatise was the Roman governing classes. He tried to free the doctrine from its rough, plebeian features and especially to soften its moral rigidity, so as to render it practic
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Hyperaspistae liber secundus, adversus librum Martini Lutheri, cui titulum fecit, Servum arbitrium.

Erasmus, Desiderius (ca. 1466-1536) Octavo: 575 pp. Collation: A-Z8, a-n8 The longest and most detailed of Erasmus? anti-Lutheran writings. The Rare First Edition This is the extremely rare first edition of Erasmus? second response to Luther?s ?De Servo Arbitrio? (On the Enslaved Will):In December 1525 Erasmus had published ?De Libero Arbitrio? (On Free Will), setting of a debate with Martin Luther, who responded to Erasmus with his own ?De Servo Arbitrio? (On the Enslaved Will). Erasmus responded in turn with his ?Hyperaspistes I? and, a year later, the present work, ?Hyperaspistes II.?"In September 1527 Erasmus? Hyperaspistes II appeared, continuing the exegetical controversy with Luther. Erasmus particularly attacked Luther's allegedly exaggerated position--derived from Paul--that the law brings only the knowledge of sin and thus is not really intended to be fulfilled. While Luther had decided in favor of the Pauline position, Erasmus had smoothed out the controversial points in the biblical tradition with his combination of grace and free will??It is clear from a letter of May 1529 that Luther was unwilling to participate in any further discussion with Erasmus unless Erasmus were to take up some ?significant? themes, although he had no definite plans to do so. There were deep personal reasons for this. For him, Erasmus was a totally frivolous man who utterly sneered at religion, and that was how he had depicted him in De Servo Arbitrio. This was a verdict that was not objectively justified, as long as one understood religion as something other than man's total dependence on God.?(Brecht, ?Luther, Shaping and Defining the Reformation?, pp. 236-8) VD 16, E 3033; Bezzel 1122; Vander Haeghen I, 110 Bound in 16th century alum-tawed pigskin, attractively ruled and tooled in blind. A fine, crisp copy with wide margins and some deckled edges. There is a small wormhole, about 4 mm. wide, that continues straight through the text, impairing a letter or two on the page. Aside from that, a lovely copy, with two versions of Froben?s printer?s device on the first and final leaves.
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Letters to Severall Persons of Honour: Written by John Donne, Sometime Deane of St Pauls London. Published by John Donne Dr. of the Civill Law.

Donne, John (1573-1631) Quarto: [5] (title page plus dedicatory epistle), 318 pp. Collation: A4 (-blank leaf A1) B-Z4, Aa-Ss4 (with blank leaf Ss4 present). With the added engraved portrait. "Sir, more than kisses, letters mingle souls. For, thus friends absent speak." -Donne Provenance: This copy was once the property of the author and essayist Sir Thomas Pope Blount (1649-1697) and bears his familiar ms. note ?Tittenhanger library? on the free endpaper. Blount inherited the Tittenhanger estate in Hertfordshire in 1678. In his ?Essays on Several Subjects? (1692), Blount wrote: ?If learning happens to be in the possession of a Fool, ?tis then but a Bawble, and like Dr. Donne?s Sun Dial in the Grave, a trifle, and of no use.? Blount also devoted several pages to Donne in ?De Re Poetica? (1694). This copy also bears the bookplate of the bohemian Evan Morgan, the last Viscount Tredegar (d. 1949).Published posthumously by the poet?s son, John Donne (1604-1662), this collection contains 129 letters, written between December 1600 (a year before Donne's marriage to Anne More) and March 1631 (two months before his death.)"'In no other kind of conveyance,' Donne once told Goodere, 'can we find so perfect a Character of a man as in his Letters'. These letters provide valuable information about Donne's situation and frame of mind at the time of the poems that many readers consider his greatest achievements -the 'Anniversaries', the 'Holy Sonnets', many of the verse letters and 'A Litanie'. Moreover, the letters provide an even fuller account of the periods of intense mental and physical duress during the composition of Donne's equally important prose works -'Biathanatos', 'Pseudo-Martyr', his polemical support of the Oath of Allegiance, 'Devotions' and many of his sermons."An even more impressive (and constant) feature conveyed by the letters is the picture of Donne the family man. Here we see the loving husband who bemoans that he has transplanted his wife Anne 'into a wretched fortune' and who reflects at the time of one of her illnesses that he 'should hardly have abstained from recompensing for her company in this world, with accompanying out of it.'? Here also are those brief personal touches that one would expect from 'conveyors of friendship' -glimpses of his nervousness at being commanded to preach before King Charles I for the first time, that he has neither the 'ambition, nor design upon the style' to pursue the law as his 'best entertainment', of his preference for life in the city and, as always, his delight in self-criticism: 'I may die yet, if talking idly be an ill sign.'"(M. Thomas Hester)"Like his poems, Donne?s letters paint the brilliant and insolent young man; the erudite and witty -but troubled and melancholy- suitor for court favor and office; the ascetic and fervent saint and preacher. And this is their chief interest. For some time, Donne held the position, almost, of the English à pistolier, collections of the ?choicest conceits? being made in commonplace books from his letters as well as his poems. But they were not well fitted to teach, like Balzac?s, the beauty of a balanced and orderly prose, though they far surpass the latter in wit, wisdom and erudition. Their chief interest is the man whom they reveal, the characteristically renascence ?melancholy temperament,? now deep in despondence and meditating on the problem of suicide, now, in his own words, kindling squibs about himself and flying into sportfulness; elaborating erudite compliments, or talking to Henry Goodere with the utmost simplicity and good feeling; worldly and time-serving, noble and devout?all these things, and all with equal sincerity." (Cambridge History of English and American Literature, Vol. IV, Ch. 11.) Pforzheimer, 295; Wing D1864; Keynes 55 With the fine engraved portrait of Donne by Pieter Lombart bound opposite the title page. This copy is bound in contemporary English calf, rebacked so discreetly that it is impossible to see where the leather has been joi
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Wits Theater of The Little World

Allott, Robert (active 1600); Bodenham, John (active 1600) Octavo: [iv], 269, [7] lvs. Collation: A4, B-2M8, 2N4 ?A collection of the flowers of antiquities and histories? for the Elizabethan Reader ?Wits Theater? was produced as part of a publishing project conceived by John Bodenham. The ?series? began with Nicholas Ling?s ?Politeuphuia: Wits Commonwealth? in 1597, and also included the poetic miscellany ?Englands Parnassus? of 1600. ?Wits Theater? Like the later ?Englands Parnassus?, ?Wits Theater? was compiled by Robert Allott and may be regarded as the prose equivalent of the poetical ?Parnassus? In his introduction Allott explains the structure of his work. He defines for his readers ?Two Worlds, the greater and the lesser.? The first is of things eternal, the second the world of man. In ?Wits Theater?, he will focus on the latter: ?I have therefore called these lucubrations, or rather collections, "The Theater of the Little World," for that in it thou maist beholde the inward and outward parts of man, lively figured in hys actions and behavior.? The book comprises ?a collection of the flowers of antiquities and histories?, an epitomized view of the world of human endeavor, belief, achievement, and behavior, rich in excerpts, exempla, and commonplaces mined from numerous ancient and Renaissance authorities, as well as from Ling?s contemporaries. These literary luminaries include philosophers, poets, theologians, tragedians, historians, essayists, humanists, neo-platonists, astrologers, and chroniclers. Among these we may name a few to show their variety: Albumazar, Erasmus, Luther, Ovid, Vergil, Lispius, Augustine, Froissart, Petrarch, and the writer of the Polychronicon.The quotations are arranged under a multitude of subject headings, including: art, astronomy, books, cursing, comedians, dicing, fashions and apparel, magic, martyrs, poets, pastoral poems, visions, schoolmasters, women, and of course, wit. The purpose? Allott tells us up front: ?The profit that ariseth by reading these epitomized histories is to aemulate that which thou likest in others, and to make right vse of theyr examples.?This book was printed for Nicholas Ling, who was also the publisher of ?Politeuphuia?, which Ling also wrote, and ?Englands Parnassus?(1600), with its many excerpts from Shakespeare?s poetry. Significantly, Ling held the publishing rights to ?Hamlet? from its very first printing (the ?bad? quarto of 1603) through the second printing (1605) of the ?good? quartos. The printer of ?Politeuphuia? and ?Wits Theater?, James Roberts, also printed both of the ?good? Hamlet quartos (1603 and 1604) for Ling.The book is very scarce and uncommon: ESTC lists just 7 copies in the UK, and 10 in the US in 8 institutions. STC 382; ESTC S100300; Grolier, Langland to Wither 15; Pforzheimer 1094; Hoe catalog I: 59. Bound in 19th-century dark burgundy morocco, the boards framed by a blind-tooled row of foliage and two gilt fillets, spine gilded. With the signature of John Couchman dated 1699 on Hh1r. The text is in fine condition aside from some minor cosmetic faults to the first two leaves and trimming of the occasional catchword. The title, second leaf and the bank verso of the final leaf are soiled and there is a tiny hole in the blank area of the title, not affecting the text. The date has just been touched by the binder?s plough, without loss. In ?The Table? at the end a few extra headings have been added in an early hand, and there are corresponding underlinings in the text. It is worthy of note that this is a complete copy. In this copy the Dedication is not signed and the text at the head of Bb1r is not corrected (a faint brown shadow over the uncorrected 4 lines may suggest that the correction slip was once pasted over). The title is occupied by a fine woodcut device.
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Examen de ingenios. The examination of mens vvits. In whicch [sic], by discouering the varietie of natures, is shewed for what profession each one is apt, and how far he shall profit therein. By John Huarte. Translated out of the Spanish tongue by M. Camillo Camilli. Englished out of his Italian, by R.C. Esquire

Huarte y Navarro, Juan, (1529-1588); Carew, Richard (1555-1620), translator Quarto: [16], 333, [3] pp. A-Y8 ''The first attempt to show the connection between psychology and physiology'' (Garrison-Morton)The First English Edition ?To Distinguish and discern these natural difference?s of man?s wit, and to apply to each by art that science wherein he may profit, is the intention of this my work.??This sentence concisely summarizes the ultimate purpose of one of the most successful and influential Spanish scientific books published in the early modern period, one with long-lasting influence upon the European intellectual world: the ?Examen de Los Ingenios para Las Ciencias? (1575), by the Spanish physician and philosopher Juan Huarte de San Juan (1529-1588)? Huarte is now hailed as the precursor of several branches of pedagogy and psychology, including differential pedagogy and differential psychology, and their practical applications, professional orientation, and selection. Recently, too, Noam Chomsky recognized in Huarte a forerunner of the rationalist innatism and the linguistic theory of 17th-century French scholars, notably Descartes. In the eyes of Chomsky, the ?Examen? is the first scientific treatise to define human wit as a generative power that reveals the creative capacities of the human mind??For Huarte, wit denotes the totality of the psychological abilities of an individual; more precisely, an individual ability or predisposition dependent on temperament, linked to the qualities of the four basic elements (earth, air, water, and fire), organically connected to the brain, and under the influence of other organs. The starting point for Huarte?s theory of wits is that the temperature of the four qualities (hot, cold, moist, and dry) of the elements has an impact upon the function of the rational (as well as the ?sensitive?) soul, and that intemperate and ever-changing environmental conditions lead to a diversity of the wits. Wit is subject to age, region of birth, sex, currents of air, weather, diet, physical exercise, and lifestyle in general [since these factors] have an impact upon the predominance in every individual of one of three powers of the intellective soul: memory, imagination, or understanding? Huarte?s goal is to clearly delineate what makes a man capable of one science and incapable of another, to discover the number of differences of wits, the arts and sciences that correspond to each, and most importantly, to illustrate how all this can be known. The Brain & Faculties of Mind?Contrary to the view of Aristotle and following Plato, Hippocrates, and Galen instead, Huarte argues that ?the brain is the principal seat of the reasonable soul.? In his view, in order for the reasonable soul to discourse and philosophize, the brain ?should be tempered with measurable heat and without excess of the other qualities?, and divided into four ventricles, ?distinct and severed, each duly bestowed in his seat and place.? Huarte describes the ventricles of the brain as four little hollows of ?one self composition and figure without anything coming in between which may breed a difference.? The three ventricles in the forepart of the head are used to ?discourse and philosophize?, while the fourth ventricle deals with the least noble operations, as it ?hath the office of digesting and altering the vital spirits and to convert them into animal.? The conviction that the three mental powers (understanding, imagination, and memory) necessarily work in collaboration with each other ?to the extent that without one the rest would malfunction- makes Huarte conclude that ?in every ventricle are all the three powers.??Building a Better Society, by Compulsion.?Huarte took his theories very seriously and believed that they could have practical repercussions upon the society of his time. His dedicatory to King Philip II of Spain suggests in fact a law by which subjects exclusively performed the profession, art, or science that corresponded to them by nature. Huarte envisioned appointing ?men of great wisdom an
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Poems, by J.D. VVith elegies on the authors death

Donne, John (1573-1631) Octavo: [8], 300, [4], 301-388, [32] pp. A-Z8, Aa-Dd8. With the engraved frontispiece portrait. A Lovely Copy ?The poetry of Donne represents a sharp break with that written by his predecessors and most of his contemporaries. Much Elizabethan verse is decorative and flowery in its quality. Its images adorn; its meter is mellifluous. Image harmonizes with image, and line swells almost predictably into line. Donne?s poetry, on the other hand, is written very largely in conceits? concentrated images that involve an element of dramatic contrast, of strain, or of intellectual difficulty. Most of the traditional ?flowers of rhetoric? disappear completely. For instance, in his love poetry one never encounters bleeding hearts, cheeks like roses, lips like cherries, teeth like pearls, or Cupid shooting arrows of love. The tears which flow in A Valediction: of Weeping, are different from, and more complex than, the ordinary saline fluid of unhappy lovers; they are ciphers, naughts, symbols of the world?s emptiness without the beloved; or else, suddenly reflecting her image, they are globes, worlds, they contain the sum of things. The poet who plays with conceits not only displays his own ingenuity; he may see into the nature of the world as deeply as the philosopher. Donne?s conceits in particular leap continually in a restless orbit from the personal to the cosmic and back again.?Donne?s rhythms are colloquial and various. He likes to twist and distort not only ideas, but also metrical patterns and grammar itself. In the satires, which Renaissance writers understood to be ?harsh? and ?crabbed? as a genre, Donne?s distortions often threaten to choke off the stream of expression entirely. But in the lyrics (both those which are worldly and those which are religious in theme), as in the elegies and sonnets, the verse never fails of a complex and memorable melody. Donne had an unusual gift, rather like that of a modern poet, T.S. Eliot, for striking off phrases that ring in the mind like a silver coin. They are two masters of the colloquial style, removed alike from the dignified, weighty manner of Milton and the sugared sweetness of the Elizabethans.?Donne and his followers are known to literary history as the ?metaphysical school? of poets. Strictly speaking, this is a misnomer; there was no organized group of poets who imitated Donne, and if there had been, they would not have called themselves ?metaphysical? poets. That term was invented by Dryden and Dr. Johnson. But the influence of Donne?s poetic style was widely felt, especially by men whose taste was formed before 1660. George Herbert, Richard Crashaw, Henry Vaughan, Andrew Marvell, and Abraham Cowley are only the best known of those on whom Donne?s influence is recognizable. The great change of taste that took place in 1660 threw Donne and the ?conceited? style out of fashion; during the 18th and 19th centuries both he and his followers were rarely read and still more rarely appreciated. Finally, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, three new editions of Donne appeared, of which Sir H.J.C. Grierson?s, published in 1912, was quickly accepted as standard. By clarifying and purifying the often-garbled text, Grierson did a great deal to make Donne?s poetry more available to the modern reader. Almost at once it started to exert an influence on modern poetic practice, the modern poets being hungry for a ?tough? style that would free them form the worn-out rhetoric of the late 19th century romanticism. And Donne?s status among the English poets quickly climbed from that of a curiosity to that of an acknowledged master.?No more than a couple of the poems on which Donne?s modern reputation is built were published during his lifetime, though most of them were widely circulated through court and literary circles in handwritten copies. There were practical reasons for this halfway state of affairs. Many of the poems would have constituted black marks on Donne?s reputation as an earnest
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Wits Theater of The Little World

Allott, Robert (active 1600); Bodenham, John (active 1600) Octavo: [iv], 269, [7] lvs. Collation: A4, B-2M8, 2N4 ?A collection of the flowers of antiquities and histories? for the Elizabethan Reader ?Wits Theater? was produced as part of a publishing project conceived by John Bodenham. The ?series? began with Nicholas Ling?s ?Politeuphuia: Wits Commonwealth? in 1597, and also included the poetic miscellany ?Englands Parnassus? of 1600. Like the later ?Englands Parnassus?, ?Wits Theater? was compiled by Robert Allott and may be regarded as the prose equivalent of the poetical ?Parnassus? In his introduction Allott explains the structure of his work. He defines for his readers ?Two Worlds, the greater and the lesser.? The first is of things eternal, the second the world of man. In ?Wits Theater?, he will focus on the latter: ?I have therefore called these lucubrations, or rather collections, "The Theater of the Little World," for that in it thou maist beholde the inward and outward parts of man, lively figured in hys actions and behavior.? The book comprises ?a collection of the flowers of antiquities and histories?, an epitomized view of the world of human endeavor, belief, achievement, and behavior, rich in excerpts, exempla, and commonplaces mined from numerous ancient and Renaissance authorities, as well as from Ling?s contemporaries. These literary luminaries include philosophers, poets, theologians, tragedians, historians, essayists, humanists, neo-platonists, astrologers, and chroniclers. Among these we may name a few to show their variety: Albumazar, Erasmus, Luther, Ovid, Vergil, Lispius, Augustine, Froissart, Petrarch, and the writer of the Polychronicon.The quotations are arranged under a multitude of subject headings, including: art, astronomy, books, cursing, comedians, dicing, fashions and apparel, magic, martyrs, poets, pastoral poems, visions, schoolmasters, women, and of course, wit. The purpose? Allott tells us up front: ?The profit that ariseth by reading these epitomized histories is to aemulate that which thou likest in others, and to make right vse of theyr examples.?This book was printed for Nicholas Ling, who was also the publisher of ?Politeuphuia?, which Ling also wrote, and ?Englands Parnassus?(1600), with its many excerpts from Shakespeare?s poetry. Significantly, Ling held the publishing rights to ?Hamlet? from its very first printing (the ?bad? quarto of 1603) through the second printing (1605) of the ?good? quartos. The printer of ?Politeuphuia? and ?Wits Theater?, James Roberts, also printed both of the ?good? Hamlet quartos (1603 and 1604) for Ling.The book is very scarce and uncommon: ESTC lists just 7 copies in the UK, and 10 in the US in 8 institutions. STC 382; ESTC S100300; Grolier, Langland to Wither 15; Pforzheimer 1094; Hoe catalog I: 59 A fine copy in 17th c. mottled calf, rebacked. The text is in very good condition; fore-edge of the title chipped. In ?The Table? at the end a few extra headings have been added in an early hand, and there are corresponding underlinings in the text. It is worthy of note that this is a complete copy. In this copy the Dedication is not signed. The 4 line correction slip on Bb1r is present. The title is occupied by a fine woodcut device.
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Colin Clouts come home againe. By Ed. Spencer.

Spenser, Edmund (ca.1552-1599) Quarto: [80] p. Signatures: A-K4 Spenser?s Great Pastoral Eclogue. The First Edition, the Sole Separate Edition & The Only Edition to Appear in The 16th Century With a dedicatory epistle to ?The Right worthy and noble Knight Sir Walter Raleigh? dated ?from my house of Kilcolman, the 27. Of December. 1591.? In addition to ?Colin Clout?, this volume also includes Spenser?s ?Astrophel: A pastorall Elegie upon the death of the most Noble and valorous Knight, Sir Phillip Sidney? (dedicated to Sidney?s widow, who had by then become the Countess of Essex); An untitled poem beginning ?Ay me, to whom shall I complaine?? often referred to as ?The dolefull lay of Corinda?; ?The mourning Muse of Thestylis? (by Ludowick Bryskett); ?A pastorall Aeglogue upon the death of Sir Phillip Sidney Knight? signed L.B. (Ludowick Bryskett); ?An Elegie, or friends passion for his Astrophill? (by Matthew Roydon); ?An Epitaph upon the right honourable sir Phillip Sidney Knight: Lord governor of Flushing? (by Walter Raleigh); ?Another of the Same? (almost certainly by Sir Edward Dyer).Spenser?s ?Colin Clout?s Come Home Again?, a pastoral poem in the tradition of Petrarch, was inspired by the poet?s visit to England from 1590 to 1591, a journey undertaken at the urging of Walter Raleigh. Spenser wrote the poem, dedicated to Raleigh, upon his return to Kilcolman castle in Ireland ?the ?Home? referred to in the poem?s title. Spenser's adoption of an Anglo-Irish identity was publicly expressed in the title poem, where the 'home' that Colin refers to rather bitterly in the poem is Ireland, not England. At the same time, the elegies on Sidney as the English nation's poet imply Spenser's claim to be his successor. The poem has been called Spenser?s most biographical, and indeed it includes not only the visit from Raleigh to Spenser?s home in Ireland in 1589 but also an account of Spenser?s sea voyage and his time in England, during which he presented the first three books of his ?Faerie Queen? to Queen Elizabeth.The poem fits neatly into a tradition of advice literature that exempts the monarch from the general failings of his or her courtiers, and includes strong criticisms of the court, as well as attacks on the vanity, ignorance, and greed of courtiers in general. It is possible that Colin Clout was intended as a criticism of Elizabeth's regime in the 1590s, especially if we bear in mind Spenser's own lack of preferment in England and his posthumous criticisms of the queen in 'Two cantos of Mutabilitie' (A. Hadfield, Edmund Spenser's Irish Experience, 1997, chap. 6) Ashley V, 194; Pforzheimer 967; STC 23077 A wonderful copy bound in fine early 20th c. burgundy morocco by Riviere & Sons. Very nice internally, the last leaf carefully washed. With a woodcut printer?s device (McKerrow 299) and decorative border to the title page, and numerous head- and tailpieces throughout. A lovely copy of the first edition. This copy has the second state of sheet C, with the reading "worthily" on C1r, line 24. FIRST EDITION. The colophon reads: ?London Printed by T.C. for William Ponsonbie. 1595.?.
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THE WORKS OF VIRGIL: Containing His PASTORALS , GEORGICS, AND ÆNEIS. Translated into English Verse; By Mr. Dryden. Adorn?d with a Hundred Sculptures.

Vergil (Publius Vergilius Maro) (70-19 B.C.); Dryden, John (1631-1700) Folio: [ ]2, A2, *4, **4, ***2, ****2, *****2, ?2, ??2 x1, B-G4, [ ]4, [ ]2, H-T4, U2; (a)-(f)4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa-Zzz4, Aaaa-Ffff4, Gggg2, Hhhh-Iiii4, Kkkk2. A Fine Large-Paper Copy of the First Edition ?Dryden?s ?translation of Vergil?? says Pope, (whose own translation of Homer was inspired by Dryden?s work) ?is the most noble and spirited translation I know in any language.? (Thomas) ?The book was published by subscription, a system of joint-stock patronage now coming into vogue. [.] Dryden?s correspondence with [his publisher] Tonson showed a good many bickerings during the publication. One cause of quarrel was Tonson?s desire that the book should be dedicated to William III. Dryden honourably refused; but Tonson had the engravings adapted for the purpose by giving to Aeneas the hooked nose of William (Dryden, Letter to his son, 3 Sept. 1697).? (DNB)?Shakespeare probably knew at least the earlier books of the ?Aeneid? in Latin, while Milton?s ?Paradise Lost? attempts to provide an English equivalent not only for Vergil?s epic themes but even for his syntax, diction, and as far as possible, meter. But in Britain he was also particularly well-served by translations. In the seventeenth-century the epic was translated by Dryden.? (Gian Biagio Conte?s ?Latin Literature, A History?) Wing V-616; Macdonald 33A; Wither to Prior #325; Malone I.1.313; See John Barnard ?The Large- and Small-Paper Copies of Dryden?s The Works of Virgil (1697)? in ?Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America? {Columbia, SC} 92, no. 3 (1998 Sept): p. 259-71. An exceptional, and exceptionally large, ?large paper? copy. This copy is complete with the engraved frontispiece, the extra plate depicting Vergil reading the Aeneid to Augustus, and all 101 of the magnificent engraved plates by W. Hollar called for in this edition: ten in the Bucolics, twenty in the Georgics, and seventy-one in the Aeneid. Bound in 17th-century paneled calf, very nicely rebacked in the 18th-century. The spine is separated into eight compartments, ruled and tooled in gold, by raised bands. There are two spine labels, one in red and one in green morocco, tooled in gold. The boards are framed by a single gold fillet.Internally, this copy is in superb condition with very little of the browning associated with this edition. The great majority of leaves are crisp, lily-white and wide margined. In fact, this is the largest, and cleanest copy that we have had the pleasure to handle. There are a few incidental marginal tears, only one of which ?now mended- enters an engraving (opposite p. 261.) The final leaf is ink-stained.
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Eight bookes of the Peloponnesian Warre written by Thucydides the sonne of Olorus. Interpreted with faith and diligence immediately out of the Greeke by Thomas Hobbes secretary to ye late Earle of Deuonshire

Thucydides (ca. 455-ca. 400 B.C.); Hobbes, Thomas, translator (1588-1679) Folio: [34], 536 [i.e. 535], [13] pp. Collation: A4, a-c4, B-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa-Yyy4, Zzz6 (the final leaf is blank and present). With an added engraved title page and five engraved plates, three of which are folding. Hobbes? Thucydides. The First Edition in a Contemporary Binding Hobbes published his translation in 1629, when he was in his early forties. Yet he tells us in the introduction that the translation, once completed ?lay long by? him, indicating that it had been completed much earlier.?Hobbes was interested in Thucydides less for his style than his subject matter. Nor did he take up the study and translation of the Greek historian simply with a scholar?s antiquarian interest, but with the humanist desire to learn and pass on the lessons of history to his contemporaries. He is not shy of speaking of the utility of history. He talks of Thucydides? writings ?as having in them profitable instruction for Noblemen, and such as may come to have the managing of great and weighty actions.? It is in the history of Thucydides that the purposes of history are most finely embodied: ?For the principall and proper worke of History, being to instruct, and enable men, by the knowledge of Actions past, to beare themselves prudently in the present, and providently towards the Future, there is not extant any other (merely humane) that doth more fully, and naturally performe it, then this of my Author.???Hobbes had very definite ideas about the conclusions to be drawn from Thucydides. In the long introductory essay, ?Of the Life and History of Thucydides?, he derives from the history an account of the political opinions of its author:?For his opinion touching the government of the State, it is manifest that he least of all liked the Democracy. And upon divers occasions, hee noteth the emulation and contention of the Demagogues, for reputation, and glory of wit; with their crossing of each others counsels to the damage of the Publique; the inconstancy of Resolutions, caused by the diversity of ends, and power of Rhetorique in the Orators; and the desperated actions undertaken upon the flattering advice of such as desired to attaine, or to hold what they had attained of authority and sway amongst the common people. Nor doth it appeare, that he magnifieth anywhere the authority of the Few; amongst whom he saith every one desireth to be chiefe; and they that are undervalued, beare it with lesse patience than in a Democracy; whereupon sedition followeth, and dissultion of the government. Hee prayseth the government of Athens, when it was mixed of the Few and the Many; but more he commendeth it, both when Pisistratus raigned (saving that it was an usurped power) and when in the beginning of this Warre, it was Democraticall in name, but in effect Monarchicall under Pericles.??Thucydides here is represented as a closet royalist. The passage to which Hobbes is directly referring, which must have been written after the final defeat of Athens in 404, is Thucydides summary account of the causes of her downfall in Book II. This is a long but crucial passage in Hobbes? translation, a shortcut to the lessons to be learnt from the larger narrative. While there are many factors that contributed to the political philosophy later developed by Hobbes (not least his experience of civil disorder in Britain), it might be argued that the political analysis here of the weakness of the Athenian democracy was influential in defining a problem to which the doctrine of Leviathan was the solution.?(Robin Sowerby, ?Thomas Hobbes? Translation of Thucydides?)"The historical methods of Thucydides, who lived in the fifth century B.C., have never been bettered. His severe standard of historical truth, coupled with his passionate belief in the general significance of particular events, have given his history of the tragic war between Athens and Sparta a universal value to statesmen and historians alike." (Printing and the Mind of Man, 219) STC 24058; Macdonald & Hargreaves, T
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Sphaera mundi [with] Johannes Regiomontanus: Disputationes contra Cremonensia deliramenta [and] Georg von Peurbach: Theoricae novae planetarum.

Sacrobosco, Johannes de (ca. 1195 ? ca. 1256 A.D.); Regiomontanus, Johannes (1436-1476); Peurbach, Georg von (1423-1461) Quarto: 60 lvs. Collation: a-g8, h4. 30-31 lines, Gothic type Renaissance Science and its Medieval Antecedents A fine copy of Erhard Ratdolt?s beautiful printing of Sacrobosco?s ?Sphere?, the core astronomical textbook from the Middle Ages to the early 16th century. This edition is the first to include key texts by two of the most influential 15th c. astronomers: Johannes Regiomontanus and Georg Peurbach. Working in the vein of the Renaissance humanists, Peurbach and his student Regiomontanus sought out the extant scientific writings of antiquity, the classical foundations of medieval European and Arabic science. Both men gleaned what they could from ancient authorities but more importantly, moved the science forward, adjusting, correcting, and often discrediting their ancient and medieval predecessors, while performing new scientific investigations of astronomical phenomena. These investigations led to important innovations, placing Renaissance astronomy on a new path.The first of the two supplemental texts in this volume, Peurbach?s ?Theoricae Novae Planetarum? (New Theories of the Planets), eventually came to replace Sacrobosco?s ?Sphere? and another 13th c. text, the ?Theorica planetarum communis? (Universal Theory of the Planets), attributed to Gerard of Cremona. Composed about 1454, Peurbach based his ?Theoricae? on the familiar teachings of Ptolemy, Al-Battani, Al-Farghani and caliph Al-Mammun?s astronomer, whose name is unknown. The word ?novae? in the title is not meant to refer to a completely new theory but only to emphasize that this work is a compilation of the latest contemporary scientific knowledge. ?Following Arab astronomers, Peurbach added trepidation to Ptolemy's six motions of the celestial spheres and substituted solid crystal spheres for the hypothetical circles employed in Ptolemy's ?Almagest?.? (Stillwell, Awakenings).In the final text in this volume, ?Disputationes contra Cremonensia deliramenta? (Arguments against the Errors of [Gerard of] Cremona), Peurbach?s student Regiomontanus offers a critique of Gerard?s aforementioned ?Theorica?, and demonstrates the superiority of Peurbach?s ?Theoricae novae.? Adopting the form of a dialogue between ?Viennensis? (the ?man from Vienna?, representing Regiomontanus) and ?Cracoviensis? (?The one from Krakow?, representing Martin Bylica of Ilkusch), Regiomontanus used geometrical proofs, often supplemented by diagrams, to refute specific claims in the earlier ?Theorica.? In the course of his critique, Regiomontanus -renowned for the accuracy of his own predictive tables and calendars- also makes corrections to Gerard?s planetary tables.Sacrobosco?s ?Sphere?:?Sacrobosco?s fame rests firmly on his ?De Sphaera?, a work based on Ptolemy and his Arabic commentators, published about 1220 and antedating the ?Sphaera? of Grosseteste. It was quite generally adopted as the fundamental astronomy text, for often it was so clear that it needed little or no explanation. It was first used at the University of Paris. There are four chapters to the work. Chapter one defines a sphere, explains its divisions, including the four elements, and also comments on the heavens and their movements. The revolutions of the heavens are from east to west and their shape is spherical. The earth is a sphere, acting as the middle (or center) of the firmament; it is a mere point in relation to the total firmament and is immobile. Its measurements are also included. Chapter two treats the various circles and their names- the celestial circle, the equinoctial, the movement of the ?primum mobile? with its two parts, the north and south poles, the zodiac, the ecliptic, the colures, the meridian and the horizon, and the Arctic and Antarctic circles. It closes with an explanation of the five zones. Chapter three explains the cosmic, chronic, and heliacal risings and settings of the signs and also their right and oblique ascensions. Explanations are furnished for the variations in the length of days in d
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Lumen Animae. Incipit: Liber moralitatum elegantissimus magnarum reru[m] naturalium lumen anime dict[us]: cu[m] septe[m] apparitorib[us] necno[n] sanctoru[m] doctoru[m] orthodoxe fidei p[ro]fessorum Poetaru[m] etia[m] ac oratoru[m] auctoritatib[us] p[er] modum pharatre s[e]c[un]d[u]m ordine[m] alphabeti collectis feliciter incipit.

Berenger of Landorra, Archbishop of Santiago de Compostela (circa 1262-1330), and Gregory of Vorau (ed. Matthias Farinator) Folio: 274 unsigned leaves. [A-C]8, [D]10; [a-m]8, [n]6,[o-z]8, [aa-ff]8, [gg]10. Complete with the initial and final blanks. The Natural World & The Human Soul The arrival of printed books is so often regarded as one of the inaugural moments of the renaissance that it is sometimes forgotten that the first years of print also represented the last great flowering of the Middle Ages. The ?Lumen Anime? (Light of the Soul), is testament to that. Formerly attributed to the Carmelite friar Mathias Farinator of Vienna (who compiled the index), the ?Lumen Anime? is now known to be Berenger of Landorra, General of the Dominican order and archbishop of Campostella from 1317 to 1325.The ?Lumen Anime? is a sprawling manual of natural and moral philosophy, that gathers together quotations on relevant themes from authors as diverse as Aristotle, Theophrastus, the elder Pliny, Ptolemy, Solinus, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, Isidore, Hugh of St Victor, and Avicenna. It is broadly organized in three parts beginning with the birth of Christ and other theological material before going on to such worldly matters as abstinence, abjection, adulation, wealth, guilt, love, humility, health, silence, and pride. It then proceeds to the two longer parts: the first, concerned with the natural world of plants, animals and trees; and the second, in more depth with problems of a moral and philosophical kind. It was immensely popular in the fifteenth century as a reference work, and despite its Dominican origins, found its natural home and use in the Benedictine orders of Central Europe.?The natural historical content [of the ?Lumen Anime?] centers as much on astronomy and meteorology as on flora and fauna; it includes a huge number of largely inauthentic citations of frequently exotic-sounding authors and the vast majority of its exempla have a a tripartite structure ? a scientific (or pseudo-scientific ?proprietas? is followed by a moralizing interpretation, whose lesson is then reinforced by a quotation from a theological authority.? In the version of the text edited by Matthias Farinator, which is the basis of the printed editions, ?chapters tend to be much longer [and] the initial natural historical ?proprietas? is often longer and supported by a series of quotations, its components are then analyzed allegorically, and a moralization follows.?(Nigel Harris, ?the Light of the Soul?, 2007)The textual history and authorship of the ?Lumen Anime? are matters of considerable complexity. There are some 195 surviving manuscripts and fragments, as well as four fifteenth and one sixteenth-century printed editions. Of the 195 manuscripts, 35 date from the fourteenth century and the remainder from the fifteenth century, including two that derive from the printed editions.Mary and Richard Rouse have established three principal lines of transmission. ?Lumen A? is the original version as composed by Berenger of Landorra, Archbishop of Compostella between 1317 and his death in 1330. It would appear that the collection took shape with the encouragement and support of Pope John XXII. It is the book?s Spanish origin that explains the presence of both Arabic and Greek material in the collections.By 1332, a copy of the manuscript had reached Austria, where it was revised, modified and expanded by an otherwise unknown monk, Gregory of Vorau. ?Lumen B? is the source of the text that was edited by Matthias Farinator, and printed by Anton Sorg at Augsburg in 1477, and then reprinted again at Augsburg by Gunther Zainer in 1477, at Reutlingen in 1479, and in 1482 at Strasbourg. The Rouses have proposed that Farinator?s manuscript was a direct copy of the complete text of either Vorau 130 or Klosterneuberg 384 (p.51), the earliest surviving witnesses to the B tradition.A third manuscript recension, ?Lumen C?, derives from a compilation of material primarily from the A, but also from the B text. This line of descent dates before 1357. As well as these principal traditions, other manu
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An Authentic Detail of Particulars relative to the Late Duchess of Kingston.

Chudleigh, Elizabeth (c. 1720-1788)] Octavo: pp. [ii], ii, 178, [18]. Collation: [A]2, B-Z4, A1. With an added engraved frontispiece of the Duchess, with breasts exposed "as she appeared at the Venetian Ambassador's Ball in Somerset House" (by Chesham after Gainsborough). The Scandalous Life of Elizabeth ChudleighA Very Fine copy of the True First Edition First edition of this posthumous biography of the courtier and bigamist Elizabeth Chudleigh, Duchess of Kingston, granddaughter of the poet Mary Chudleigh (1656-1710), from whom ?she seemed to have inherited no notable literary tastes or talents?(Rizzo) Elizabeth was notorious for her sexual escapades, daring, and profligacy. She studiously cultivated this image, referring to herself (in the third person) thus: ?She was both wasteful and penurious; the most enormous sums were expended to gratify her love of display, at the same time that she refused to incur some trifling necessary expense in her household? The lady was exacting, vain, and violent almost to fury? raised to the highest rank a subject could attain, [she] became only the more arrogant and capricious.?(Memoirs)As Betty Rizzo has demonstrated, Chudleigh modeled her behavior on some of the most scandalous women in the novels of the eighteenth-century.?Elizabeth Chudleigh?s devastatingly triumphant and destructive career is probably best understood as inspired by the careers of the imperious court vixens in the pages of Delariviere Manley so it is not surprising that her initial courtship and subsequent abuse of her companions follow the pattern of the Duchess of Cleveland?s in ?The Adventure of Rivella.? The duchess was demonstrably Chudleigh?s model. For Chudleigh, as for her close contemporaries Elizabeth Montagu and Frances Greville, there were both older Restoration models and newer models of sensibility to choose from and to combine, and Chudleigh?s choice was absolute. She was neither a brilliant intelligence nor a reader but she had clearly very early got the ?New Atlantis? (1709) by heart. The models in the works of Manley of powerful, profligate, passionate, and willful women impelled the girl, already beautiful, irresistibly charming, passionate, and willful into both profligacy and power. For Chudleigh the Restoration court ideology about women still worked when at twenty (in about 1740) she arrived at the court of the Prince of Wales. When in 1776 at fifty-six she was tried for bigamy, her assumptions had become outrà , her self-conducted defense failed, and she escaped burning in the hand only because her despised husband had succeeded to an earldom. She had to flee England forever.?To attempt to exculpate Chudleigh would be fruitless, for she often deliberately behaved like a monster. Her generosity, frequently noted by herself and her beneficiaries, was directed not toward worthy, needy objects but toward those who best flattered and served her. Her passage through the world did not render it a better place.?(Betty Rizzo, Companions Without Vows, ch. 4, Elizabeth Chudleigh and her maids of honor, p. 61 ff.)The scandal that led to her flight from England in 1777 was many years in the making. In 1744 Chudleigh secretly married Augustus John Hervey. This secrecy allowed her to remain at court. In 1749, after the birth and death of their infant son, and in the face of Elizabeth?s unfaithfulness, Hervey ?severed all relations with her? When Hervey seemed to be on the cusp of gaining his ailing brother?s earldom, Elizabeth confessed her marriage to the dowager of Wales and had her marriage officially recorded. In 1768, Hervey sought a divorce in order to marry another. This resulted in a court case in which the marriage was ruled not to have taken place.In 1769 she married the Duke of Kingston. When he died in 1773, his will stipulated that Elizabeth must remain a widow in order to receive the duke?s income and estates. Evelyn Meadows, the duke?s heir, disputed the will and had Elizabeth tried for bigamy. Elizabeth?s trial took place three ye
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The Defense of the Aunsvvere to the Admonition, against the Replie of T.C. By Iohn VVhitgift Doctor of Diuinitie. In the beginning are added these. 4. tables. 1 Of dangerous doctrines in the replie. 2 Of falsifications and vntruthes. 3 Of matters handled at large. 4 A table generall.

Whitgift, John, Archbishop of Canterbury (1530?-1604) Folio: [24], 812, [12] p. a4, b8, A-Z6, Aa-Zz6, Aaa-Xxx6, Yyy4, Aaaa6 The second edition, printed in the year of the first, of the future Archbishop of Canterbury's reply to Thomas Cartwright's defence against Whitgift's ?An Answere to a Certen Libel?, 1572.?The ?Admonition to the Parliament?(1572), an appeal to the public in the guise ofa letter to parliament, was the most outspoken protestant criticism of the Elizabethan settlement to appear by that date, and divided the puritans themselves. Its pithy, scurrilous style gave it notoriety and made an immediate impact, drawing a reply from Paul's Cross by Thomas Cooper, bishop of Lincoln, as early as 27 June, and it reached its third edition by August. At about this time Whitgift was entrusted with the task of replying to the Admonition, which he took on with some urgency. In a letter of September informing Archbishop Parker of Cartwright's removal from his fellowship, Whitgift declared that he had completed his refutation and had most of it in fair copy, sending the full text to the archbishop in the following month. By that date the authors of the Admonition had been identified and imprisoned. Yet before Whitgift's work could be published A Second Admonition to the Parliament appeared, penned by his Cambridge adversary Cartwright, in which a fuller account of the presbyterian discipline was set out. Whitgift's Answer to the Admonition was published, probably in November 1572, and an augmented edition, containing a section addressing Cartwright's Second Admonition, appeared in February 1573.?The frenetic rate of publication was continued by Cartwright, whose Replye to an Answere of Dr Whitgifte appeared in April 1573. This full exposition of the Reformed position reinvigorated radical support but brought strong reaction from the government. A proclamation ordering the surrender of the Admonition and other books was issued. Bishops were required by the privy council to act more firmly against nonconformist clergy and, in December, a warrant was issued for Cartwright's arrest, forcing him into exile once again. Encouraged by Parker, Whitgift devoted much of this year to an extensive response to Cartwright, answering him point by point in his Defense of the Aunswere to the Admonition Against the Replie of T.C. which appeared in 1574. On 26 March 1574 he preached the new year sermon before the queen at Greenwich, setting out his defence of episcopal government; it was published later that year. Other supporters of Cartwright entered the debate with Whitgift at this time, but the major response came from the exiled Cartwright himself, in 1575 and again in 1577, to neither of which Whitgift replied.?These years between 1570 and 1575 were crucial to the developing character of the Elizabethan church, and Whitgift's views were to prevail with the queen and with authority; the points at issue between him and his opponents at this time therefore need some consideration. Behind the polemical tone of the controversy it is worth locating points of agreement: both Whitgift and his opponents shared a Calvinist theology and, in matters of ecclesiology, they each recognized the importance of theological scholarship and the central role of scripture in defining the nature of the church. In the climate of the early 1570s they each sought to locate their position between what they saw as the corruptions of the Roman church on the one hand and the excesses of Anabaptism on the other, both of which evils they identified among the views of their opponents. Behind these common protestant assumptions what was at stake was the true nature of the English church and, in the course of the debate, two conflicting views emerged of the Christian community and of its relations with social and political power. For Whitgift the importance of maintaining the distinction between the visible and the invisible church was crucial and it was wrong to try to conflate the two: the invisible spiritual government of the
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Dissertazione del ch. signore d. Benedetto Rocco napoletano sul giuoco degli scacchi.

Rocco, Benedetto (fl. 1783-1816); Cancellieri, Francesco (1751-1826) Very large duodecimo: 58, [2] pp. A-B12, C6 With a Rare Bibliography of Chess A rare and important chess book comprising the Neapolitan chess player Benedetto Rocco?s ?Dissertazione sul Giuoco degli Scacchi agli oziosi?(p. 7-26) and the Abbà Francesco Cancellieri?s important bio-bibliographical catalogue of chess players and their books, "Biblioteca ragionata degli scrittori del givoco degli scacchi" (p. 27-58). Rocco's "Dissertazione" was first published in the ?Giornale enciclopedico? (1783). And Cancellieri?s "Biblioteca? was first published as an appendix to his "Biblioteca degli scrittori sopra la memoria artificiale," [n.p., n.d.], and later included in his "Dissertazione intorno agli uomini dotati di gran memoria ." Roma, F. Bourlià , 1815. All of these publications are rare.Rocco?s ?Dissertazione? preserves valuable information on the members of a chess academy, ?Gli Oziosi Napoletani? that flourished in Naples in the 18th century. The leading player of the academy was D. Scipione del Grotto (d. 1723), a priest from Salerno, who turned to chess after losing a great deal of money at dice and cards. Rocco tells us that in 1718 del Grotto famously defeated the English Admiral Byng, who had come to Naples after the English defeated the Spanish fleet off Capo Passaro. We also hear of de Grotto?s disciple Carmine Pagano, Ludovico Lupinacci, and other famous players. Cancellieri?s bibliography is our sole source for information on a number of early unpublished manuscript treatises, including a description of a codex from 1409, commissioned at Prague, of a ?Historia Saturica? which has at the end a tract on chess in seven chapters. The bibliography includes the very earliest of printed chess books, including Caxton?s ?The Game and Play of Chesse? (with an incorrect date of 1480), and a medieval Hebrew poem on chess attributed to Ibn Ezra by Thomas Hyde. There are also fascinating accounts of non-literary chess innovations and episodes, such as the remarkable story of John of Austria?s human chess board, with living men or children as the pieces. Fumagalli 1846; Walker ?Bibliographical Catalogue of Printed Books and Writers on Chess? p. 282 Bound in 20th c. red morocco, gilt-tooled author and title on the spine. A large, fresh copy on thick paper, bottom margin entirely uncut throughout. Very nice.
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Imperatorum et Caesarum Vitae, cum Imaginibus ad vivam effigiem expressis. Libellus auctus cum elencho & Iconiis Consulum ab Authore. M.D. XXXIIII

Huttich, Johann (ca. 1490-1544); Weiditz, Hans (ca. 1495- ca. 1536), artist Quarto: Aa-Bb4; A-X4, Y6; aa-dd4. Complete. Profusely IllustratedThe Most Complete Edition Fourth and most complete edition of Huttich?s "Imperatorum et Caesarum Vitae", his most important work, first published in 1525. The first section covers the imperial families from Julius Caesar to Gallienus, the son of Valerian. This section is followed by "thirty tyrants", a group of third-century would-be usurpers and self-proclaimed Augusti and Caesares, and the emperors and Augusti from Aurelian to Theodosius II and Valentinian III. This section is followed by the emperors of the Eastern Empire based at Constantinople, beginning with Martian and concluding with Michael Cyropalates. The revival of the western imperial line begins with Charlemagne and concludes with the reigns of Charles V, Emperor of Germany and his brother Ferdinand I. This edition includes a supplemental section: "Elenchus Consulum Romanorum" a chronological list of the consuls printed between decorative woodcut borders. This section concludes with a series of woodcut medallions. The ornate divisional title border shows scenes from the Iliad including Achilles dragging Hector around the walls of Troy. "Besides the borders, there are 84 medallions, obverse and reverse, in the same style as the preceding, apparently by Weiditz." (Fairfax Murray)"A friend and correspondent of Erasmus (who dedicated his translation of Lucian's 'Convivium' to Huttich) and Ulrich von Hutten, Huttich studied at the University of Mainz when the city was a stronghold of the new antiquarian learning. While accompanying Frederick II on a diplomatic mission to Spain, Huttich collected pamphlets describing Spanish and Portuguese voyages to the Americas, later published as 'Novus Orbis' (1532)."Huttich work falls into the category of Bildnisvitenbücher, collections of portraits of famous men and women, accompanied by biographical sketches? The second edition of Vasari's 'Lives of the Artists' (1568), in which each biography is accompanied by a woodcut portrait elaborately framed, was clearly influenced by this type of popular literature. The Renaissance cult of the hero, of 'virtus' and 'fama', helps explain the widespread appeal of these works, in which the humanists, as Rave points out, sought to combine the two devices employed by the ancients to immortalize their great men, the 'vita' and the 'effigies'. The growing sense of national identity during this period also played a part in the production of volumes devoted to kings, legendary heroes, and literary lights of France and Germany, a motivation that explains much of the content in the numismatic books of Huttich and Rouille."(Cunnally, "Images of the Illustrious") Adams H-1248; BM German p.427 (602.b.I); Chrisman H5.1.4b; Fairfax Murray #219; Campbell Dodgson II, 148; Brunet III, p.392; Cunnally, pp. 197-198 A nice copy with only the occasional minor stain or dust-soiling. Wide margins. Contemporary stiff vellum, a bit soiled, head and tail of spine nicely repaired.This volume is profusely illustrated with several hundred woodcut images, most of which are by Hans Weiditz. "The medallions of the emperors [and their families] are 268 in number, commencing with Julius Caesar and ending with Frederick III, Maximilian I and his son Philip the Fair, Charles V and Ferdinand I. Most are enclosed in ornamental borders with fauns, cupids, Adam and Eve, Godfrey of Bouillon, Hercules etc." (Fairfax Murray) FOURTH AND MOST COMPLETE EDITION. This is "the first with the ?Elenchus? and the first with this title." (Fairfax Murray).